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John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham

targeted? The preferences of other CIS states will no doubt continue to be mixed, but an underlying wariness about a new regional hegemon will confront any Russian action. More than a decade after the Soviet collapse, the long-term regional security implications of Russian power contraction have yet to be determined fully. Uncertainty also surrounds Russia’s role in twenty-first-century Eurasia. Developments of the post-Cold War period reveal a constancy in the Russian leadership’s commitment to a Eurasian leadership position. The dynamic 1990s and early 2000s may have

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Ian Scott and Henry Thompson

Columbia (1989), Matsushita had acquired Universal (1990), Time had bought Warner Bros. and Viacom had taken over Paramount (1993). The studios were becoming enmeshed in multi-​platform global enterprises with interests in music, film, news and entertainment.22 As Christensen and Haas have noted, the appetites of this global entertainment complex for ideologically controversial content were very limited.23 Culturally, the USA was in the embrace of a post-​Cold War period of self-​congratulation perhaps best illustrated by Francis Fukuyama’s 1992 publication The End of

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

– weak state structures, ethnic conflict, environmental threats – and new technologies that render state boundaries increasingly porous – particularly cyberspace and the internationalisation of commerce and capital – have broadened the systemic requirements of security.15 The new security agenda raises two important questions: why have these new security threats risen to prominence in the post-Cold War period? Do the Eurasian states pose a putative threat to the systemic or milieu goals of the Atlantic states, to the integrity of the central and eastern European states

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

maintaining the substance of its military co-operation with NATO forces on the ground in Bosnia. On the wider diplomatic front, the Russian government maintained normal diplomatic relations with all NATO governments, including the United States. Although its immediate rhetorical response was subsequently described as being ‘of a pitch unheard in the entire post-Cold War period’, 23 the Yeltsin government was clear from the start

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

and Great Lakes regions, and that have to do with historical, global, regional and local factors. The examination of resistance in this case allows for the politicisation of the conflict and the players involved, looking at the role that popular classes’ rejection of historical conditions of domination has played in the outbreak and continuation of the conflicts until today. This is also a case whose complexity allows for a deep insight into one of the longest and largest peacebuilding interventions in the post-Cold War period, with the participation of multiple

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Open Access (free)
Theorising Arctic hierarchies
Elana Wilson Rowe

of public goods were provided by the United States and the Soviet Union in their respective spheres of influence. In the post-​ Cold War period, the question of whether the USA can act as a fully global hegemon in delivering global public goods is actively debated. At the same time, US dominance in the international system has not been replaced by another power, however unevenly enacted or contested this American hegemonic position has become. This incomplete/​partial hegemony thus ties back into broader debates discussed in the introduction to this volume about

in Arctic governance