State-based institutions to advocate for gender equality
Anne Marie Goetz
national policy statement detailed budget implications of any of the proposed
policies. As with national planning experiences in Morocco,
Jamaica and Bangladesh, this failure to follow through recommendations with clear calculations of publicexpenditure implications is an important reason why WID/GAD
policy commitments tend to stay trapped on paper.
In sum, WID/GAD institutions in many of the case studies have developed a capacity for strategic planning, but
what they still lack is a capacity to ensure that national
policy commitments to the integration of gender in
concerns will be far different than
those between donor countries and the developing world. But what makes these
transfers possible has little to do with democracy or even with consent in any
explicit, consciously formulated manner. Historically, Chinese were drawn to
make decisions favouring publicexpenditures because these helped to maintain
peace and prosperity across their empire. Their situation contrasted sharply with
early modern European rulers whose publicexpenditures went to war-making.
Chinese governments began to take social expenditures seriously at an
transparency fix: Advocating legal rights and their
alternatives in the pursuit of a visible state. University of Pittsburgh Law
Review, 73(3), 443–503. Retrieved 15 December 2015 from: http://ssrn.com/
Fenster, M. (2015). Transparency in search of a theory. European Journal of
Social Theory, 18(2), 150–167.
Heald, D. (2006). Transparency as an instrumental value. In C. Hood and
D. Heald (eds), Transparency: The Key to Better Governance? (pp. 59–73).
Oxford: Oxford University Press for The British Academy.
Heald, D. (2012). Why is transparency about public
Scotland when the party at
Westminster resembled an English nationalist party in terms of political
composition, outlook and opportunities. Thus, achieving some form of accommodation with devolution and lessening the anti-Scottish image of the party
was partly undermined by efforts to exploit the West Lothian Question,
Barnett formula and Scotland’s share of UK publicexpenditure. Such incoherence in territorial politics was hardly likely to assist the Scottish
Conservatives, even though it may have assisted Tories in England. Though
Scottish and Westminster priorities
Visualising obesity as a public health concern in 1970s and 1980s
disease in terms of a rich–poor divide. Recognition of such a divide gained national prominence with the publication of the Black Report (1980), which explored the social distribution of mortality and morbidity in the thirty years since the establishment of the National Health Service.
It documented widespread disparities between rich and poor in terms of health, which were not being adequately addressed by the NHS. Presented as it was to an incoming Conservative government intent on cutting publicexpenditure, the
commitments came under immediate scrutiny. There were
five main reasons why this was so.
1 The new government wished to make inroads into the total level of publicexpenditure. Firstly, it placed a great burden on taxpayers – and they wished
to reduce taxes. Secondly, it was seen as a deterrent to private investment as
high government borrowing was thought to ‘crowd out’ funds which could be
used by industry and commerce. The social security bill was the biggest single
item in the public finances so it was an inevitable target.
2 Margaret Thatcher had pledged to ‘roll back
that it must spend a significantly higher
proportion of its national income and publicexpenditure on health care.
Primary health care is critical to performance. GP services must, therefore,
be improved and be made more sensitive to needs.
Health Care is a government priority. If it fails to deliver significant improvements in terms of more treatments, shorter waiting lists and reduced waiting
times for treatment, it will have to accept the electoral consequences.
Despite the political consensus which has developed over
, but Labour would suffer under this
scenario given the low levels of Conservative support in Scotland. Furthermore, it would not be easy to identify exclusively English legislation as
under the Barnett formula decisions on spending in England impact upon
the size of the block grant allocated to the Scottish Parliament. Denying
Scottish MPs a say on English legislation would reduce their influence over
publicexpenditure in Scotland.
The government opposed the proposal, though the House of Commons
Procedure Committee did recommend that existing
-line tool in reducing unnecessary publicexpenditure, and an investment whose benefits far outweighed the potential costs. These could be more accurately measured due to increased statistical monitoring both within Britain and by bodies such as the WHO.
The public, too, expressed risk in different ways. The general swell of approval for poliomyelitis vaccines showed a demand for protection from the disease. In the 1970s, such demands for protection were framed by voluntary organisations, consumer groups and advisory bodies. Moreover, while the
frequently negligible; the equipment in many public hospitals is often obsolescent and unusable;
and, the buildings are in a dilapidated state… the availability of essential drugs is
minimal; the capacity of the facilities is grossly inadequate.
‘Grossly inadequate’ is a phrase that appears all too often in the report.
There is little doubt that health has not been one of the Indian state’s priorities since independence. Only in the last few years has publicexpenditure on
health in India risen above the level of 0.8 or 0.9 percent of GDP, which is India’s