Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

citizenship 37 ciples of reciprocal justice. The essential reason for this lies in New Labour’s insistence that rights and responsibilities should balance. I want to examine citizenship in more detail later on, but New Labour’s point is that because social goods are the product of social cooperation, then those who share those goods are obligated to make a roughly proportionate contribution to the productive activities of that society or to demonstrate why they cannot. Hence the doctrine that has constantly informed their welfare reforms – work for those who can, security

in After the new social democracy

In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.

The conflict in Kosovo represents a significant watershed in post-Cold War international security. Interpreting its political and operational significance should reveal important clues for understanding international security in the new millennium. This text analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo and its broader implications, by examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Despite the widely held perception that the conflict in Kosovo has implications for international security, unravelling them can be challenging, as it remains an event replete with paradoxes. There are many such paradoxes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) entered into the conflict ostensibly to head off a humanitarian catastrophe, only to accelerate the catastrophe by engaging in a bombing campaign; the political aims of all the major players contradicted the military means chosen by them in the conflict. The Russian role in the diplomatic efforts demonstrated that NATO did not want Russia to be involved but in the end needed its involvement. Russia opposed the bombing campaign but ultimately did not have enough power or influence to rise above a role as NATO's messenger; the doctrinal hurdles to achieving ‘immaculate coercion’ by use of air power alone seemed to tumble in the face of apparent success; it is ultimately unclear how or why NATO succeeded.

Stuart Kaufman

2504Chap3 7/4/03 3:53 pm Page 48 3 Ethnic conflict and Eurasian security Stuart Kaufman What role does ethnic conflict play in Eurasian security affairs? Just breaking this question down into its component parts uncovers a vast array of apparent influences. Ethnic conflict is, first of all, clearly a cause of internal conflict and insecurity, as demonstrated by the problems in Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Cyprus, Georgia, Chechnya and Mountainous Karabagh. Furthermore, it is a key cause of international security problems, as the above list of ethnic civil

in Limiting institutions?
Brent E. Sasley

T HE END OF bipolarity brought to light the difficulty inherent in using Cold War concepts of security to explain international relations in the developing world. As well, it has often been argued that international relations is basically an American (with some British input) enterprise ( Azar and Moon, 1988b : 1; Hoffman, 1977 ), with the consequences that

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby

this scenario, the motivation for the ‘citizen warrior’ to take up arms is ultimately to shield the honour and integrity of his ‘beautiful soul’ against the perils of a dangerous and anarchic world ( Elshtain, 1987 ). Whether or not this account of warfare is accurate, it is the quintessence of the conventional rendition of national security, namely, protection of the boundaries of a nation state

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

novel construct or worldview lies in its utility for making effective choices among competing policy options. If ultimately successful, these analytical constructs will create questions and goals that develop agendas for both policy makers and academics. The novel paradigm proposed for conceptualizing ‘national security’ uses an integrated approach that should prove useful for both academics and policy

in Redefining security in the Middle East
P. Terrence Hopmann

2504Chap8 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 144 8 The OSCE role in Eurasian security P. Terrence Hopmann A wide range of institutions have appeared in the Eurasian region since the end of the Cold War that have a role to play in Eurasian security. Indeed, it has often been observed that Europe after 1989 is ‘institutionally thick’, that is, it is crisscrossed by an extensive web of multilateral institutions designed to prevent, deter, manage and resolve conflicts that might appear in the region once occupied by the former Communist states of the Soviet Union and its

in Limiting institutions?
Catherine Baker

4 Postsocialism, borders, security and race after Yugoslavia The historical legacies shown in the last chapter do much to explain the contradictory racialised imaginaries of the Yugoslav region's ‘cultural archive’ ( Chapter 1 ) and the shifting nature of translations of race into discourses of ethnic and national belonging ( Chapter 2 ). Though many past applications of postcolonial thought to south-east Europe have bracketed race away, identifications with racialised narratives of Europeanness predated state socialism, yet alone the collapse

in Race and the Yugoslav region
The relative efficacy of poor relief provisions under the English Old Poor Law
Richard Smith

Bayly 03_Tonra 01 21/06/2011 10:19 Page 75 3 Social security as a developmental institution? The relative efficacy of poor relief provisions under the English Old Poor Law Richard M. Smith In the 1960s and 1970s, it was widely believed that ‘development’ in the West was both a fundamentally economically driven process and one which had exploded into life with the world’s first industrial revolution, which occurred in Britain between 1780 and 1850. This was reflected in the statistical narrative of growth researched by Deane and Cole and in the influential

in History, historians and development policy