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Publication in Seventeenth-century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993); Arthur F. Marotti, Manuscript, Print, and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 1995); H. R. Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). Margaret J. M. Ezell, Social Authorship and the Advent of Print (Baltimore, MD, and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), 12. Marotti, Manuscript, Print, and the English Renaissance Lyric, 135–208 usefully terms this interactive process ‘social

in The spoken word
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Nuns’ narratives in early modern Venice

an anthology of trial documents from early modern Rome: . . . we social historians, in reading vivid documents such as these trials, walk a narrow causeway. On one side yawns an abyss of bafflement, while on the other side there gapes a chasm of complacency.19 One early modern historian who has been charged with just such complacency is Miranda Chaytor, author of an article on narratives of rape in seventeenth-century England.20 In a published response, Garthine Walker took Chaytor to task over many of her assumptions.21 The most basic accusation is that Chaytor

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700

identified this as perhaps the key issue in the dispute between Webster and Glanvill: ‘Webster opposed the belief in witches because his Paracelsian-Helmontian science and the radical Protestant theology 8 More uses the term ‘Holenmerian’ to refer to ‘those scholastics’ who had described the soul as existing in ‘all parts of the whole body equally’ according to his biographer Robert Crocker, Henry More (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2003), p. 172. On Willis’s view of the soul, see John Henry, ‘The Matter of Souls: Medical Theory and Theology in Seventeenth-Century England’, in The

in Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama, 1538–1681
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(eds), Samuel Hartlib and Universal Reformation: Studies in Intellectual Communication (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 51–74). 23 Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626–1660 (London, Duckworth and Co., 1975), p. 250. Price_01_Ch1 25 14/10/02, 9:18 am 26 Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis 24 Ibid., pp. 48, 368. 25 Cited in ibid., p. 315. 26 Theodore M. Brown, ‘The rise of Baconianism in seventeenth-century England’, in Studia Copernicana: Science and History: Studies in Honor of Edward Rosen (Warsaw, the Polish

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis
The ends of incompletion

in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. Finally, we should be forced to address this question because it is a subject with which early modern English writers are themselves preoccupied. For example, John Lyly begins his second prose work, Euphues and His England (first published 1580), with a dedicatory letter to Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, in which he self-deprecatingly compares the

in Making and unmaking in early modern English drama

proceed sciences which may be called “sciences as one would”.’42 The New Atlantis is not to be read as ‘science (or society) as Bacon would’ so much as ‘thought as it might be practised’. The ethical and political, both in terms of the detailed description of an ideal commonwealth and of recommended codes of conduct, are thus absent partly because Bacon is offering a model of the use of knowledge and reading for any society (even if most specifically seventeenth-century England), rather than a model of a new, perfect society. A more perfect society may well result from

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis
Gender, sexual difference and knowledge in Bacon’s New Atlantis

’, Renaissance Quarterly, 45 (1992), 119–39. 20 For example, H. B. White, Peace Among the Willows: The Political Philosophy of Francis Bacon (The Hague, Elsevier, 1968), pp. 166–89; Merchant, The Death, pp. 180–6. 21 Davis, Utopia, p. 113. 22 See Gordon Schochet, Patriarchalism in Political Thought (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1976), Chapter 1. 23 Merchant, The Death, pp. 180–4. 24 See ibid., Chapters 1 and 2; White, Peace, pp. 166–89. 25 See Patricia Crawford, ‘The construction and experience of maternity in seventeenth-century England’, in Valerie Fildes (ed.), Women as Mothers

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis

interestingly in recent times is in Renaissance studies. For example, Richard Burt, in his book Licensed by Authority: Ben Jonson and the Discourses of Censorship,3 has attempted to rethink the problem of censorship in the early modern period in ways that call into question some of the conceptions and assumptions concerning censorship that have typically underpinned supposedly more ‘radical’ critiques of the workings of power and authority in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. In particular, Burt describes an ‘ahistorical, moral definition of censorship

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis

’s point of view. The motive behind the sorcery in all of these cases appears to have been the overturning of the sorcerer’s position of dependency and powerlessness. When a neigh-bour’s child fell ill, her cow was bewitched to stop giving milk, or a bear attacked her cattle, she was often forced to go to the sorcerer to ask for mercy, a request that was usually granted. Unlike the counter-sorcery in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century

in Witchcraft Continued
Libraries, friends and conversation

1661) p. 2. 30 Naudé Instructions p. 14. 31 Ibid. p. 24. 32 Ibid. pp. 30–31. 33 Ibid. pp. 89, 90, 91. 34 See H. Love The culture and commerce of texts: scribal publication in seventeenth century England (Amhurst, 1998). 35 Correspondence No. 993 p. 333. 36 Correspondence No. 995 p. 335. 37 Correspondence No. 1506 p. 461. 38 Correspondence Nos. 1356, 1364, 1371, 1379, 1392, 1400, 1407. 39 Correspondence No. 1325 p. 147. 40 Correspondence No. 1344 p. 172. 41 Correspondence No. 1533 p. 512. 42 Correspondence No. 1702 p. 2. 43 Correspondence No. 2287 p. 161. 44

in Republican learning