levels, and also calling for the
creation of supranational institutions and polities where the threat of
domination prevents collective decision-making or action (p. 60). “The
dispersal and pooling of sovereignty at substate and suprastate levels
reduces the risk of political domination within states and enhances
opportunities for democratic self-government beyond the state” (p.
a judge interpreting an eternal and unchanging law. Bodin asserted that
the monarch had the authority to enact new laws to his people and – equally
importantly (from a historical perspective) – that legislation was the first
and chief mark of sovereignty (Vile 1998: 29).
And then it changed. Absolutism gradually lost ground at the end of
the seventeenth century. It is difficult to point to one single book or event
that challenged the philosophical dominance of absolutism (indeed,
absolutism remained the dominant doctrine in practical politics
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
, language, territory and sovereignty would also have been held by inhabitants of the region in the medieval and early modern past, or even the late Ottoman and Habsburg periods (Fine 2006 ; Judson 2007 ; Blumi 2011b ); used evidence about ethnopolitical conflict dynamics from the region for broader theory-building about nationalism and ethnicity (Brubaker 1996 ) or post-Cold-War international security (Posen 1993 ); investigated how alternative, multi-ethnic models of belonging were marginalised by Yugoslav constitutional logics, erased before and during the wars
Sabotage as a citizenship enactment at the fringes
someone enacts them (Isin, 2009 ) and when states use their acts of sovereignty (Nyers, 2006 ) to respond.
Mujić was a Bosnian citizen, and the post-conflict reality of this country did represent one of the determinants of his position. Besides the ambiguities of the unequal ethnic political power sharing, Romani children are almost three times as likely as their peers to live in poverty (UNICEF, 2017 ). Additionally, state disintegration contributed to minority statelessness. This was the case in both the former socialist Yugoslavia and
century – is thus not only the main theorist of popular sovereignty, but
also a theoretician of nationalism. Rousseau proves that nationalism did
exist before the nineteenth century, even by a modern definition (such as
that developed by Gellner). Rousseau developed a theory of society based
on cultural homogeneity and ‘participation in, and identification with
culture’ as well as he evidently sought to establish a political culture (based
on national sentiments), which were ‘co-extensive with an entire political
unit’ – as required by Gellner’s definition
international order (Gagnon 2004 ). Nationalism predicated sovereignty claims determining people's and places' ethnic identity, calculating majorities and minorities, and basing national borders on the resultant ethnic maps (White 2000 ). Before and after these nation-states gained full independence from Ottoman rule in 1878, they used churches, schools and language/naming policy to ‘fix’ ambiguous subjects' ethnic identity and increase their ostensible majorities against competing claims; during war and political instability, minorities could be targeted directly. The
(Washington DC: The World Bank, 2000), p. 29.
8 For a thorough study of Helvétius’ influence upon Bentham and Marx see
Irwing Horowitz’s essay ‘Helvétius, Bentham and Marx’ (Horowitz 1954:
9 There is considerable literature on Rousseau and Kant. For a recent, balanced,
account see Richard L. Velkley, Freedom and the End of Reason (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1999).
10 In not seeking divine justification for moral judgements Rousseau is probably
closer to Iris Murdoch. See Murdoch, The Sovereignty of the Good (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2000).