thereby have altered fundamentally the character of existing institutions and state policies. This mobilization has been associated with populist styles and idioms in political life in which personalities and symbolism have replaced effective delivery. According to Varshney (2000: 12–13), on the other hand, the change signifies the emergence of ‘plebeian politics’ along the lines of social democracy in Europe in the late nineteenth century. A visible transfer of power is taking place from the upper to lower castes, from the privileged to underprivileged and from the
– or unwilling – to enforce legal norms at its borders when they concern dead migrants. In Lesbos the result is that locally formed perspectives can challenge, in a limited way, the biopolitical discourse of the centre. The practical orientation of this work seeks to address how the periphery can influence the centre, and how state policy can be impacted by those who live at the border and who actively resist both the securitisation agenda and the racialised neglect of migrant bodies. The body of the dead migrant, found within the territorial borders of the EU but
compensation payments through medical diagnosis and, possibly, legal judgement created a category of disabled workmen that possessed certain rights in law. Deborah Stone’s work posits disability as ‘a juridical and administrative construct of state policy’.9 As Gleeson insists, this is just a construct and it tells us nothing about the lived reality of the disabled person’s experiences of disability. Nevertheless, this designation of disability was extremely powerful, since, while it did not prevent poverty and was certainly not a permanent designation, it helped to
). However, she suggests that while the National Commission for Women in India is potentially an important means for mainstreaming gender within the state policy-making structures, its weakening links with the women’s movement are a cause for worry as they are eroding its legitimacy in the very constituency from which it needs support. Together with the lack of political will of most political parties to mainstream gender in policy making, this constitutes an important obstacle for the Indian National Commission for Women. The thrust of Marian Sawer’s argument in chapter
distinct classes is reduced when ‘the group is not so well mobilized; when it articulates demands in relation to a form of social difference that is not already institutionalized in state policies; and when its frames do not resonate with the public of policymakers, perhaps because of the difficulty of advancing a biological difference argument’. 14 If we consider disability, as Elizabeth Barnes does, as primarily a social phenomenon, then we could indeed argue that there are good health-related reasons to consider disability to be a reference class. Against this, we
provoked by health policies which strongly and arbitrarily interfere with women’s reproductive autonomy and reproduce patterns of discrimination.8 Not being aware of that connection means perpetuating discrimination against women, and the unequal power relations between women and men. The analysis also confirmed the approach that I adopted with regard to VAW: the absence of the element of intent in its definition. It was interesting to find ‘patterns of discrimination’ which I found in this book to encompass forms of ‘tolerance’ of violence by the state, state ‘policies
his analysis of Israeli neoliberalization, Arie Krampf ( 2018 : 200) echoes a truth already articulated by David Harvey's ( 2005 : 5–38) study of neoliberalism: that the adoption of neoliberal reforms takes place when welfare-state policies are no longer effective in securing profits and the domination of the bourgeoisie as a class. Israeli welfare-state capitalism was brought to the brink of economic collapse before the adoption of the 1985 plan. The choice, even if it was never articulated by Israeli policy makers in quite these terms, was either to follow the
Nexus tell us about the intersections between state policy, postcolonial empire and the ghostly presence of financial capital? Where the chapters by Medien ( Chapter 7 ) and Dickson et al. ( Chapter 8 ) explored these themes in relation to healthcare, schooling, debt and racialized borders in the contemporary UK, this chapter takes up these questions in relation to the US and its specific carceral history. If situated historically – within the normalized system it is part of – the company sheds light on the important intersections mentioned above. In particular, it
exaggeration, it might be suggested that while Jospin talked Left and acted Right – in some areas, such as redistribution – New Labour talks Right and acts more Left (see below). It follows that some of New Labour’s stated policy goals, such as the abolition of child poverty and reducing health inequalities – both of them more ambitious than the stated policy goals of ‘Old Labour
nation, each Volk , has its own special qualities, but the German Volk carries the seeds of a higher spiritual and cultural order, a special role in human history. An elaborate theory of race was made the basis of state policy. According to this, humanity was sub-divided into different races, which had different and identifiable characteristics and could be placed in a hierarchical order. The highest