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, anti-Arab racism in civil society, discriminatory state policies toward Israeli Palestinians, militaristic responses to external threats, etc. Nor does it exonerate the singularity of harms done by Israel to argue that the policies of neighbouring states are equally or in some cases far more subject to political criticism. The fact that other states do not live up to their responsibilities does not release Israel from its responsibilities for equal treatment
( 1996 , p. 183) states: “The manner in which a group comes to be ‘situated’ in and through a wide variety of discourses, economic processes, state policies and institutional practices is critical to its future. This ‘situatedness’ is central to how different groups come to be relationally positioned in a given context.” From a historical point of view, Afro-Caribbeans were
traditional scope of labour market analysis that was largely centred on the employee–employer relationship, either at the micro- or at the macrolevel. Instead, the analytical framework based on economic production and social reproduction provided a conceptual bridge that had links with developing approaches in comparative social policy and welfare state studies. This allowed researchers to make connections between how state policies shaped labour supply through education and training as well as through the provision (or not) of childcare services. It allowed an
1990s. Moreover, by some absolute as well as relative measures, eih ch-2.P65 47 26/3/03, 15:07 48 O’Hearn poverty increased along with inequality. By the end of the century, according to the United Nations’ Human Development Report, the Irish poverty rate, as measured by its Human Poverty Index, was the highest in the EU.31 This rising level of inequality and relative poverty during a period of rapid growth was not effectively countered by state policies, as one can clearly see in macroeconomic terms by the shares of GDP shifting towards capital and away from
typology of SFSCs and examines their distribution through different countries in Europe. On the basis of an exploratory research project, Marsden debates the long-term future of this alternative system. He explores the dynamics of the conflict and competition between two supply chains, noting the central importance of state policy and regulation in shaping the outcome. He suggests that both protection of small farming businesses and rural development would be better served if the State intervened to support SFSCs, for indeed this is a political matter. In the particular
of state policies in support of other family and domestic arrangements ( Kantsa and Chalkidou 2014 ; Papataxiarchis, 2012 ). It is founded on a set of normative meanings and associations between kinship, gender and sexuality, that provide what Herzfeld (2005) calls the ‘cultural intimacy’ of the Greek state, the representations of the essentialisms of nationalism and
be interrogated and analysed beyond an insistence on those binaries that the regimes of mobility framework refutes. For example, it is within the encounters with bureaucracies that we can examine states’ interests in controlling mobile populations, managing their social mobility, and motivating their further mobility (to another country and/or back home). Similarly, it is within these encounters that we can understand the contradictions between cosmopolitan openness in state policies towards the protection of refugees and exclusionary practices of re-bordering (see
far fledgling development of alternatives in the UK? How are the corporate retail chains reacting to the development of SFSCs which are based more on local and regional, rather than national and international, sets of market and regulatory arrangements? What do these competitive conditions tell us about the potential economic durability and evolution of the alternatives in the medium to long term? How significant is state policy in setting the rules for these competitive relationships? In order to attempt to understand these competitive dynamics, I begin to address