Open Access (free)
Localizing global sport for development

collection can allow participants whose language has no written form to participate in our research; for example, in the most recent phases of our work with the Go Sisters programme, we have supported peer leaders to conduct interviews with Nyanja-speaking parents in communities. The decolonization discourse has considerable acceptance within development studies and has been advocated by those in the critical–theoretical strand of SfD literature. However, the relative

in Localizing global sport for development

brief and spontaneous to have been part of a considered written form. The participation by advocates was thus more like a Year Book discussion in the common law (although without equivalent participation by the judges) than it was a written document to be submitted for consideration by the court. Finally, despite the formality of the records and what can be called the initial pleading, there was a fair amount of other comment in the consistory courts and some just plain chatter. A fifteenth-century York case mentioned by the way that, ‘The said official and the

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
An examination of touching moments in dance of court and courtship

practical dancing, rather he uses dance to discuss the ideas of leadership and self-control. However, to understand the dance metaphor requires the reader to have detailed knowledge of the terminology for the specific dance form he refers to: the Basse Dance. Basse Dance or base dance: practical techniques The Basse Dance was one of the principal courtly dances in early Tudor England and practical instruction for it has survived in written form. An abridged translation of the standard fifteenth-century French treatise was printed on the final leaf of a volume of papers

in The senses in early modern England, 1558–1660

phonetically (this applies whether the source was in classical or vernacular Gaelic), sometimes with accompanying translation; or to translate or paraphrase them. Gaelic oral narrative is preserved, not merely in written form, but in another language. The mechanics of composition are revealed most clearly in the Craignish History. Alasdair Campbell began with a Gaelic oral infrastructure, assimilated from boyhood onwards: rhymes and proverbs, exemplifying the ‘collective memory’; the traditions of a clutch of elite vernacular historians whom he was actively seeking out by

in The spoken word
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Thomas of Erceldoune’s prophecy, Eleanor Hull’s Commentary on the penitential Psalms, and Thomas Norton’s Ordinal of alchemy

, ‘Lystyns, lordyngs, … I sall ȝow tell al strew a tale / Als euer was herde by nyghte or daye’, which shall include his telling of ‘Batells donne sythene many a ȝere; / And of batells ϸat done sall bee’.16 Such a conventional opening invites identification of the narrator as a poet providing a traditional oral performance of the work, whose written form includes those legacies of the oral tradition. This first-person becomes attributed to Thomas explicitly not many lines later: ‘Als I me went’, and sat under the tree, ‘I herde ϸe jaye … als I laye’.17 Thus the initial ‘I

in Participatory reading in late-medieval England
mid-Victorian stories and beliefs

police detective was somewhere betwixt and between these groups: a leading member of the prosecution team, and, if not a scientist, a man whose forensic skill was his chief qualification for his job and the chief reason he was listened to in court. Detectives, fiction and the uncanny It is a tradition of witchcraft narratives, as with ghost stories, to present them as ‘told’, even in their written form

in Witchcraft Continued

the Parlement did not produce its remonstrance on time, then the law in question would, again, be treated as registered. Once the government had answered a remonstrance, the Parlement must register the new law without delay. In addition, the government, not the Parlement, would decide whether a remonstrance would take oral or written form. These articles permitted the royal administration to set the complete schedule under which remonstrances would be written, delivered, answered and ended. They also enabled ministers to influence the topics of remonstrances, by

in Louis XIV and the parlements

same set of business principles. Shell’s corporate headquarters – Shell International – are located in London, but the Dutch branch of the company (the Royal Dutch) owns 60 per cent of the assets. Shell’s environmental policy Compared to ExxonMobil, the Shell Group has a more principled approach to environmental protection issues. The company has had a written environmental policy since 1969. Its environmental commitment is included and specified in Shell’s General Business Principles, which have existed in written form since 1976. Within this principled framework

in Climate change and the oil industry
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’ desperation to secure the solar erythema as a visual anchor, one that could legitimise the therapy yet refused to do so – it refused its authoritative role, refused to be weighed down. The drive to ‘fix’ the solar erythema, in visual and written form, says much about practitioners’ ambitions to make light therapy appear as a modern, scientific, and systematic treatment. 78  The erythema materialised Quantifying

in Soaking up the rays
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Cautionary tales and oral tradition in early modern England

immortalized on paper, they were insistent that, once fixed in written form by the Lord’s appointment, it alone became the fount and foundation of Christian faith and truth.13 The Bible should be ‘the sole anker of our hope’, said the future Archbishop of Canterbury George Abbot; the very word Scripture itself expressed ‘the manner of delivering’ divine truths, declared the Yorkshire preacher Francis Bunny, ‘namely by writing’.14 In short, they came close to claiming that textuality was intrinsic to the sanctity of holy writ, that God’s meaning resided in the actual letters

in The spoken word