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China, the poverty of Māori in New Zealand and the isolation of Aboriginal settlements in Queensland. These situations were distinctly and often uncomfortably different from those in which the European nurses had trained and previously practised. Many faced unfamiliar languages. Some of the nurses learned the languages of their clients and their students; others struggled with and even without translators. Many faced unfamiliar local customs. Some were so convinced of the superiority of Western medicine and the imperial culture that they dismissed practices that were

in Colonial caring
Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48

stories provides a different perspective, allowing us to focus on the ‘lives of unknown or lesser known figures so as to explore what their experiences can offer to our understanding of an era, a movement or a culture’.2 Their experiences illuminate the intersections of power with the matrix of faith, gender, class, race and place that shaped FAU nurses’ work as civil war spread like wildfire. Forced to renegotiate the fragile frontiers of its pacifist humanitarianism to maintain its organisational integrity, the Convoy became the only Western aid agency to gain access

in Colonial caring
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Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing

four chapters begin to examine the embedding of Western-style nursing culture into indigenous cultures. These chapters widen our scope beyond the British Empire to include not only Australia and New Zealand, but also the Dutch East Indies and the American colonies of Puerto Rico and the Philippines. Issues such as racism and clashes of culture now come to the fore. The tensions between colonial nurses and their ‘Westernculture of medicine and the traditional practices of indigenous trainees 3 Helen Sweet and Sue Hawkins and their patients are examined, as are

in Colonial caring

Sassoon, Edmund Blunden, Henri Barbusse, and Erich Maria Remarque, who exposed the contrast between the romance trope and the ugly realities of modern, industrial warfare. Volunteer nurses were mostly drawn from the middle or upper classes of their societies; they, too, were likely to write in ways that drew upon the ‘high culture’ of their time. Young, female nurses were exposed to many of the same romantic ideals that held such power over their brothers. But, for them, the romance trope was a complex one. Women in traditional, western romance had been portrayed as

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
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Richard Attenborough.7 It became clear that the writings of those who emerged from the trenches of France and Flanders had changed the culture and expectations of western societies irrevocably, such that, in 1967, Stanley Cooperman could write that ‘we are all creatures of the First World War’.8 In the 1970s a new genre emerged – a focus on the cultural history of the war. Paul Fussell’s The Great War and Modern Memory – a remarkable exploration of the cultural significance of First World War literature – still stands as a guidepost for those approaching the subject.9

in Nurse Writers of the Great War

Red Cross worker Rose Wilder Lane on a train from Paris to Warsaw in 1920, and the two became close friends. Both craved adventure and longed for a more independent way of life. By the mid-1920s they had formed a plan to travel overland in a Model T Ford from Paris to Albania, to establish a home in a land free from the constraints of western power-politics and bureaucracy.52 Boylston had already spent time in Albania working for the Red Cross and had convinced Lane that Albanian culture was pure and unsullied – free from both the corrupt political and imperialist

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40

Western medicine and the State, as suggested by some commentators informed by social control and victimisation models of history writing.4 Rather, I will show how Native Health nurses were often thrown into emergency situations during outbreaks of infectious disease, totally reliant on the help and co-operation of the local people who far outnumbered them, and how they were required to negotiate and be flexible in their nursing practices. Past historians have addressed the origins of the scheme and some of the obstacles faced, but have not examined in depth the nurses

in Colonial caring

Natives.3 145 Liesbeth Hesselink Two services provided healthcare in the archipelago, the Military Health Service and the Civil Health Service, but were in actual fact one organisation. Throughout the nineteenth century, Western medicine in the Dutch Indies was virtually synonymous with military medicine.4 Civilians were also treated in the military hospitals. The hospitals were classified into large hospitals, garrison hospitals and infirmaries. Nursing was carried out by untrained orderlies. In addition, there were municipal clinics in the three large towns on Java

in Colonial caring
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have been standard procedure, it does suggest the provision of private hospital services was firmly embedded in the city's municipal health culture. We might assume, given the fact that Southmead had been taken over in 1930 by the Corporation, that the introduction of this system was part of the new municipal arrangement. However, a conference organised shortly before by the Medical Officer of Health, which brought together representatives

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
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the most honourable memorial to the suffering of their fellow countrymen. In writing of their nursing work during the First World War, nurses were also composing portraits of themselves. Whilst some seem to have wanted to remain shadowy figures in the background, foregrounding the courage and resilience of their patients, others chose to depict themselves as actors on a world stage.3 When they wrote, British women such as the Baroness de T’Serclaes, Sarah Macnaughtan, and Millicent Sutherland were drawing upon narrative tropes current in their own culture. The

in Nurse Writers of the Great War