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Looking forward

machineries are stronger in their position vis-à-vis governance circuits if they have strong legitimacy signals from their constituencies (see United Nations, 1998:12–14). This is particularly important as they hold their mandate of representing women’s interests in tension with the need to function effectively and democratically by engaging in negotiation, bargaining and strategizing which might result in positive outcomes for women. In support of increasing autonomy for national machineries, it could be argued that a mainstreaming of gender agendas requires negotiating

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?

to sport has emerged. This implies the birth of EU sports law, which has had the result of shifting the nature of sports regulation towards a socio-cultural model of regulation. EU interventions in sport do not simply reflect a desire to correct market distortions or restrictions. Judicial intervention is sensitive to the requirements of current EU sports policy. As such, it is no longer appropriate to refer to the EU’s regulation of sport as an example of sport and the law. Rather, by defining separate territories of sporting autonomy and judicial intervention

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
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Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

opposed the loss of autonomy in 1989–90, but was unable to retaliate. Using familiar party structures, Belgrade replaced uncomfortable leaders such as Azem Vllasi with faithful lapdogs such as Rahman Morina. Before they were dismissed, most of the Albanian communist leaders had been forced to crack down on ‘nationalists’ and movements of unrest among their fellow citizens. As a result, they were all unpopular. The Yugoslav federation was already weak, and Kosovo had no true allies among the other nations gaining independence. Once autonomy was lost, Kosovo Albanian

in Potentials of disorder
Responses to crisis and modernisation

This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.

the ‘metaphysics of music’. Music is the crucial component in a metaphysical conception of aesthetic autonomy. The reason for Schopenhauer’s elevation of music is that, unlike other forms of art, music is non-representational and thus is least bound to the world of appearance that can be grasped in concepts. Music has the status of the ‘true general language’: it ‘does not talk of things, but rather of nothing but well-being and woe, which are the sole realities for the Will’ (V p. 507). Words take one into the realm of concepts and abstractions; absolute music, on

in Aesthetics and subjectivity

’s ultimate aim necessarily affect the viability of his conception of language, and thence his conception of music. The way Hegel relates text and music can suggest how. For Hegel the text which accompanies music or which music accompanies ‘gives certain ideas and thereby tears consciousness away from that more 230 Aesthetics and subjectivity dreamy element of feeling without ideas’ (Hegel 1965 II p. 306). – He does insist, though, that the music must also retain its own autonomy and not just be there in the service of a content dictated by the text. He considers

in Aesthetics and subjectivity
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rule of law, and the pros and cons of judicial activism are but three notable areas where in principle political inquiries have much to learn from legal scholarship. Thus political scientists studying democratization appear much taken with the idea of judicial autonomy as part of the institutional architecture for ensuring the horizontal accountability of the executive – a seemingly necessary counterpart to the vertical accountability that legislatures and electorates seem only imperfectly to exact. But here (Chapter 7) McEldowney’s approach from the side of legal

in Democratization through the looking-glass

it. The idea of the postulated ‘supersensuous substrate’, in which freedom and necessity harmonise, relies on the possibility, based on feeling, of the ‘subjective purposiveness of nature for the power of judgement’ (B p. 237, A p. 234). What Kant is looking for, then, is an indication of the role of the freedom of rational beings in the system of nature. The purpose of beauty Kant’s attempts to come to terms with the ‘supersensuous substrate’ of the subject’s relationship to the object threaten to invalidate the boundary between law-bound nature and the autonomy

in Aesthetics and subjectivity

early 1990s, accompanied by the loss of power to a resurgent centre-right, the Social Democratic Party (SAP) was left vulnerable to accusations of a neo-liberal transformation (Ryner 2002) and specific attacks on abandoning the goal of full employment or the wage politics of solidarity, earlier practised by the social democratic trade union confederation known as the LO. Meanwhile, the Swedish model of industrial relations premised upon social partner autonomy, industrial peace and high-level coordination between the LO and employers (SAF) had given way to wage

in In search of social democracy

to exclude the poor.’ 11 Some theorists have gone as far as to postulate self-governing, consensual territorial communities, with fully sovereign individual members (modelled on Locke’s theory of moral autonomy, property, political authority and governance). 12 In practical terms, there is some evidence of the emergence of such ‘private’ communities, for instance in Israeli settlements, in ‘gated communities’ of white South

in Political concepts