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Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

is completely able to subject or subvert the other (1988: 217). This is not dissimilar to Scott’s conceptualisation of the pose, nor to Certeau’s notion of trickery. Mbembe also reminds us that ‘the ways in which societies compose and invent themselves in the present – what we could call the creativity of practice – is always ahead of the knowledge we can ever produce about them’ (Weaver Shipley 2010: 654, emphasis in the original). Any practice of resistance has to be understood as embedded in the practice of everyday life, without reducing 184 Resistance and

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
A view from below
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

throughout the social sciences, and especially from critical theorists, to connect the micro-dynamics of daily life with macro structures and processes, even as a way of embodying them (Bleiker 2000; Davies and Niemann 2009; Enloe 1989; Marchand 2000; Tickner 2005; Wilcox 2015). In peace and conflict studies, ‘practices’ and ‘everydayness’ have always been the epistemological choice. The emergence of peace and conflict was already a kind of ‘everyday turn’ against the focus of strategic studies of the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1980s, authors such as Andrew Mack, David Dunn

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

resistance and state-making as a set of practices. Practices are understood, following Certeau and Scott, as a representation of the practical ways of dealing with the experience of domination in everyday life, as well as a reflection of millenarian practices of subordinate classes. Practices are the mechanisms, informalities and improvisations that allow for certain schemes to be put ‘in practice’ (Scott 1998: 6). Adler and Pouliot identify five characteristics that clearly convey this meaning. Practices: (1) are a ‘performance’, which is the doing or making of something

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

5 Everyday violence and Mai Mai militias in Eastern DRC What would you do if the state was a man? I’ll kill him.1 A From words to weapons lthough there were skirmishes, especially throughout the 1990s, Chapter 3 has already exposed how the first phase of the conflict was the defining moment in which the armed mobilisation of subordinate classes took place. The fact that the AFDL war was conducted under the guise of a national liberation movement and led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila succeeded in reviving the Mai Mai historical sentiment of fighting against

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

and of electricity are not isolated: this is the normal way that everyday life is approached across the DRC. Regarding services, others could be added, such as health. Health provision is a paradox because, as Zoë Marriage (2010) has observed, while a substantial amount of aid goes towards health services in DRC, it does not address the causes of the lack of a health service in the first place. Aside from the doctors per population ratio being 0.6 doctors per 1,000 inhabitants, infrastructures are either lacking or in very poor condition (Ngoma and Luzolo 2010

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

arena of freedom, it provides a safer audience among relative equals.2 The public transcript has several functions, including: concealment (hiding the nasty aspects 107 Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making of power and elites’ disagreement), unanimity (giving a sense of agreement between elites and non-elites and denying dissent), euphemism and stigma (beautifying power and uglifying dissent) and public parade (dramatising the grandeur of power) (Scott 1990: 45–66). These functions are visible in that peacebuilding’s claim to authority is done by

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

, conflict keeps erupting and military means are prevalent. After the last major crisis, different national, regional and international actors seem to have renewed their commitment to more serious solutions, tackling the conflict on several levels. Yet the everyday life of the rural classes has not changed substantially. The proxy wars between the DRC and Rwanda, their mutual instrumentalisation, the reliance on the military to assert state authority in a political context that has an important democratic and development deficit have only entrenched the conflict

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making