Introduction This strategy is guided by principled realism. It is realist because it acknowledges the central role of power in international politics, affirms that sovereign states are the best hope for a peaceful world, and clearly defines our national interests… We are also realistic and understand that the American way of life cannot be imposed upon others, nor is it the inevitable culmination of progress . The White House, ‘National Security Strategy of the United States of America’ ( The White House, 2017 ) The White House published the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

’ kidnapping by the IS in 2014 would have enabled the organisation to explain why it refused to work in the areas under the group’s control. Due to the lack of any explanation, this refusal was interpreted as evidence of MSF’s political alignment with those fighting the IS. Humanitarian organisations cannot hope to learn lessons from their experiences and counteract the influence of private security firms, if they continue to hide previous cases under a shroud of secrecy. Instead of importing the K&R policies of the major profit-driven companies, aid organisations must be

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

probably become a battleground. There was an atmosphere of panic, and people started leaving the town. The fighting became very close and it was dangerous to move around. We made the decision to evacuate on 8 January. … We left supplies with the patients and their caretakers so they could continue their treatment even if they couldn’t access a health facility – a ‘runaway pack’ containing all the materials they would need. Two days after we left, we had news that the hospital was completely empty and that all the patients had managed to escape. We just hope they managed

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

soldiers supported by a significant percentage of the South’s population, General William Tecumseh Sherman sent his Union troops on a ‘march to the sea’, giving no quarter, destroying buildings and crops, in the hopes of demoralising the enemy by forcing civilians to bear the burden of the war. Although the United States was not a party to the first Geneva Convention, it had developed its own jus in bello , the Lieber Code, a collection of existing texts aimed at limiting the violence against the populations of Confederate states. Lieber acknowledged civilians in the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

approach underpinned by the depoliticisation of the cause of Palestinians’ displacement and dispossession – the occupation of Palestinian territory by the state of Israel. In essence, the deal is a ‘truly Trumpian solution’: ‘cash for peace instead of land for peace… Peace will therefore be economic, rather than political… Their hopes may be dead but their bank accounts will be in the black’ ( Fisk, 2018 ). While UNRWA may be perceived as being at particular risk due to the financial precarity resulting from the funding cuts, it is (as I explore

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

bias against the evacuation of other civilians. Analysis of the discourse around dialogue and advocacy decisions also suggests different thresholds of tolerance of violence. In terms of civilian protection, the arguments in favour of public criticism of actors who have abused human rights or violated international humanitarian law (IHL) are twofold. It is hoped that ‘naming and shaming’ will encourage perpetrators to improve their conduct towards civilians, and there is additionally a concern that remaining silent in the face of abuses implies some kind of complicity

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Despite the imperative for change in a world of persistent inequality, racism, oppression and violence, difficulties arise once we try to bring about a transformation. As scholars, students and activists, we may want to change the world, but we are not separate, looking in, but rather part of the world ourselves. The book demonstrates that we are not in control: with all our academic rigour, we cannot know with certainty why the world is the way it is, or what impact our actions will have. It asks what we are to do, if this is the case, and engages with our desire to seek change. Chapters scrutinise the role of intellectuals, experts and activists in famine aid, the Iraq war, humanitarianism and intervention, traumatic memory, enforced disappearance, and the Grenfell Tower fire, and examine the fantasy of security, contemporary notions of time, space and materiality, and ideas of the human and sentience. Plays and films by Michael Frayn, Chris Marker and Patricio Guzmán are considered, and autobiographical narrative accounts probe the author’s life and background. The book argues that although we might need to traverse the fantasy of certainty and security, we do not need to give up on hope.

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justice, or indeed the world, might be. Although I am offering an alternative view of what academics do or might do, I am still holding on to the possibility of change, to a dream of a different sort, or at least a hope, even if it is a hope without guarantees.1 Although I refuse to adopt a certain more tragic sensibility wholeheartedly, maybe it is possible to accept the tragedy of a world beyond our control, if tragedy it is, and yet retain hope. That is what I am arguing for here, as I shall attempt to elucidate shortly. Traversing the fantasy and accepting the

in Change and the politics of certainty
Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe

corruption remained high, and state social services were extremely meagre. Meanwhile, social stratification inside Kosovo increased, as some families gained economically from the post-war transformation, while others suffered poverty and insecurity due to the area’s very high unemployment rates – especially in economically marginalised regions such as southern Kosovo. Many Albanians from rural Kosovo, at home as well as those visiting from abroad, believed that Kosovo was not moving forward as hoped for; it had come to a standstill. Alban’s brother Dritan, who had been a

in Migrating borders and moving times

This book provides a detailed consideration of the history of racing in British culture and society, and explores the cultural world of racing during the interwar years. The book shows how racing gave pleasure even to the supposedly respectable middle classes and gave some working-class groups hope and consolation during economically difficult times. Regular attendance and increased spending on betting were found across class and generation, and women too were keen participants. Enjoyed by the royal family and controlled by the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee, racing's visible emphasis on rank and status helped defend hierarchy and gentlemanly amateurism, and provided support for more conservative British attitudes. The mass media provided a cumulative cultural validation of racing, helping define national and regional identity, and encouraging the affluent consumption of sporting experience and a frank enjoyment of betting. The broader cultural approach of the first half of the book is followed by an exploration if the internal culture of racing itself.