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Introduction John Callaghan, Nina Fishman, Ben Jackson and Martin McIvor The search for social democracy has not been an easy one over the last three decades. The post-war ‘golden age’, characterised by strong economic growth, full employment and narrowing income inequality, came to an unceremonious end with the global economic slowdown of the 1970s. Sluggish growth, rising unemployment and rampant inflation were all hammer blows to the credibility of the broadly social democratic outlook that had hitherto dominated post-war policy-making in the West. The

in In search of social democracy
Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001

favoured economic liberalism would have been taken into account; but on the same principle which had led it to oppose ‘socialism’ in its post-war heyday the Conservative Party would at least have posed as the champion of the insecure voter against the unsettling effects of the market. The fact that it did no such thing is further evidence of its distance from one aspect of the conservative tradition. But the reason for its failure to change is even more telling. The Conservatives had adopted a dogmatic mind-set – the very trait which their leaders still persisted in

in The Conservatives in Crisis

of the time influence what they do with that power when they have achieved it. Indeed, it is impossible to separate the two. This applies even to those who deny having an ideology. The use of power always takes place in a framework of ideology. Modern politics can only be properly understood by reference to the great ideological movements: conservatism, liberalism, socialism, fascism, and so on. Ideologies tend to have a bad

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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complex sociocultural critique that recognises the salience of non-class forms of domination. All struggle is profoundly political, since the political is not merely a set of representative mechanisms (liberalism) nor simply a reflection of economic dominance (Marxism). Nevertheless, if this post-Marxist revision of Gramsci is persuasive, less persuasive is the post-structuralist alternative. As I will argue again in Chapter 9, by abandoning all reference to extra-contextual spaces, i.e. traditionless standards that enable us to judge traditions, post

in After the new social democracy
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Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher

Introduction: Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher There are two requests I should like to make to readers of the volume, not to forestall criticism but that it may be rendered, perhaps, more pertinent. Three lectures do not permit one to say all he thinks, nor even all that he believes that he knows. Omission of topics and themes does not, accordingly, signify that I should have passed them by in a more extended treatment. I particularly regret the enforced omission of reference to the relation of liberalism to international affairs. I should also like to

in John Dewey

equality? And how did this result in Dewey arguing for democratic socialism within the confines of the Great Society? The answers to these questions are best illustrated in Dewey’s reconstruction of liberalism and liberty in Liberalism and Social Action (LW11) and a whole swathe of essays written throughout the 90 John Dewey Great Depression. In these works, Dewey puts forward the idea that ‘liberalism’ and its idea of liberty had become a much-confused concept and departed from its initial meaning (LW11: 5). If we recall the discussion of philosophical liberalism in

in John Dewey
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for single parents. Subsidised housing, again at local level. Rents were heavily subsidised and local authorities were responsible for housing all residents and maintaining the housing stock. Education (under the 1944 Education Act) was to provided free for all those between the ages of 5 and 15 (later raised to 16), and for those who reached a good educational standard at 16–18 years. Places on degree courses were available for a small proportion of the most able. Later, post16 education was made available for all, and the number of university places were greatly

in Understanding British and European political issues
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation

markedly from post-war ‘embedded liberalism’ (Ruggie 1982), dirigisme is articulated in a different, more circumspect, manner than was the case in the heyday of the French model (Zysman 1983). This presupposition in favour of dirigiste interventionism has come under increasing threat in the last twenty-five years from structural changes in global financial markets, from the European Union, and from the ideological ascendancy of neo-liberalism. The process of European integration, which gathered momentum after the 1984 Fontainebleau Summit, was built upon decidedly non

in In search of social democracy

most advanced to date in respect of these goals, but it can be pushed further. Before taking steps towards a model of inter-​civilisational engagement in Chapter 4 and Part II, I reflect, in this chapter, on competing paradigms. What can they offer in terms of the gaps identified towards the end of the previous chapter, or indeed any others? The three competitors in question are globalisation analysis, Marxism and post-​colonial sociology. How they can be situated in relation to contemporary civilisational analysis is the work of this chapter. The method here is to

in Debating civilisations

3 Immigration and the limits of statistical government Camden Town Hall in North London is a popular venue for weddings and civil ceremonies. In November 2013 it was the venue for the marriage of a Miao Guo, a Chinese national in her twenties and Massimo Ciabattini, an Italian man in his thirties, for which elaborate preparations had been made, including a post-service reception and a hotel room for the night. The ceremony was dramatically

in Go home?