Fiscal policies, social spending and
economic performance in France,
Germany and the UK since 1970
This chapter looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal
implications and economic consequences in three European countries. Its
purpose is to test a stereotypical ‘left’ proposition, formulated in defence of
European social democracy against neo-liberalism, such as:
There is a ‘European Social Model’, incorporating a high level of social protection for unemployment and retirement, which, since 1973, has been
shared basically positive
attitudes towards the European integration process and its outcomes in
the pre- and post-Maastricht years.2 Questioned by Eurobarometer over
a long time period, large majorities (+ 70 per cent) believed membership
of the Union to be generally beneficial for the country.3 Since 1950,
membership of the Community has been seen as an inalienable stabilising
factor for Italian democracy with its characteristic governmental instability and the strong structural differences between north and south.
Furthermore, EC membership has been seen as
contemporary meanings of ‘race’, racism and post-racialism
before the understanding of what constitutes racism and what it means to be racist
is explored in the narratives of EDL activists. Notwithstanding the argument
that hostility towards Muslim minorities constitutes a ‘new racism’, however, the
exploration of attitudes to Islam among EDL supporters is postponed until the
following chapter in order to allow a detailed and discrete discussion.
‘Race’: buried alive or artificially resuscitated?
How can the EDL appear a blatantly ‘racist organisation’ to those outside it
, rather, is to examine and assess the impact of the Kosovo
crisis on the continuing evolution and development of key issues relating to
post-Cold War European security overall.
In measuring this impact the discussions begin, logically, with
the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). This was the chosen
instrument through which its member states sought to achieve their objective
of compelling the government of President
international community, focusing
specifically on the objectives and authority of the UN in relation to
intra-state peacekeeping environments in the two specified time
As a first step, we established that both international
normative prescriptions and the UN as actor had evolved under the
influence of structural changes in world politics. The early 1960s and
the early 1990s
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
postcoloniality, it furnished south-east European studies with a vernacular postcolonialism making it easier, not harder, to draw global connections.
Indeed, the Yugoslav region is already linked into transnational European racial formations by studies of antiziganism. For Kurtić, or the socio-legal scholar Julija Sardelić, post-Yugoslav structural discrimination against Roma proves that constructions of racial (phenotypical and cultural) difference, beyond just constructions of ethnic belonging, are inherent in such marginalisation. Sardelić ( 2014
–security practices and post-Yugoslav collective identities that already underpinned European integration processes themselves.
The Yugoslav region inside and outside ‘Fortress Europe’
Ever since the term ‘Fortress Europe’ emerged in the 1980s, the notion of European cooperation in securing EU borders and agreeing more restrictive immigration policies towards citizens of the Global South has been criticised as structurally racist – by giving Europeans, most of whom are white, privileged mobility over non-Europeans, most of whom are not
of the European Union as an
Foreign policy analysis and the end of the Cold
The pealing back of Cold War bipolarity
has revealed the extent to which underlying processes of societal
transformation have changed the structural dynamics of international society
in late modern Europe. These transformations have been concentrated in
Western Europe but their
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992, p. vii.
31 Robert O. Keohane and Stanley Hoffmann, ‘The Diplomacy of Structural Change: Multilateral Institutions and State Strategies’, in Hoftendorn and Tuschhoff (eds), America
and Europe, pp. 44–5.
32 Stephen J. Cimbala, US Military Strategy and the Cold War Endgame, London: Frank
Cass, 1995, p. 127.
33 Robert E. Hunter, ‘Starting at Zero: US Foreign Policy for the 1990s’, in Roberts (ed.), US
Foreign Policy, p. 15.
34 David P. Calleo, ‘America’s Federal Nation State: A Crisis of Post-imperial Viability’,
become more importsensitive, export-oriented, multinational and dependent
on global financial markets for investment. Multinational
capital looks increasingly to trade off capital-intensive,
high-value-added processes in the advanced industrial (or
post-industrial) countries for cheap-labour production in
labour-intensive industries located in China and less
developed countries. Meanwhile technological change –
especially information and communications technology, the
lowering of transport costs and the increasing flexibility of
production methods – and the growth of