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2 Fiscal policies, social spending and economic performance in France, Germany and the UK since 1970 Norman Flynn Introduction This chapter looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. Its purpose is to test a stereotypical ‘left’ proposition, formulated in defence of European social democracy against neo-liberalism, such as: There is a ‘European Social Model’, incorporating a high level of social protection for unemployment and retirement, which, since 1973, has been

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Progress behind complexity

shared basically positive attitudes towards the European integration process and its outcomes in the pre- and post-Maastricht years.2 Questioned by Eurobarometer over a long time period, large majorities (+ 70 per cent) believed membership of the Union to be generally beneficial for the country.3 Since 1950, membership of the Community has been seen as an inalienable stabilising factor for Italian democracy with its characteristic governmental instability and the strong structural differences between north and south. Furthermore, EC membership has been seen as

in Fifteen into one?
Aspirations to non-racism

contemporary meanings of ‘race’, racism and post-­racialism before the understanding of what constitutes racism and what it means to be racist is explored in the narratives of EDL activists. Notwithstanding the argument that hostility towards Muslim minorities constitutes a ‘new racism’, however, the exploration of attitudes to Islam among EDL supporters is postponed until the following chapter in order to allow a detailed and discrete discussion. ‘Race’: buried alive or artificially resuscitated? How can the EDL appear a blatantly ‘racist organisation’ to those outside it

in Loud and proud
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, rather, is to examine and assess the impact of the Kosovo crisis on the continuing evolution and development of key issues relating to post-Cold War European security overall. In measuring this impact the discussions begin, logically, with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). This was the chosen instrument through which its member states sought to achieve their objective of compelling the government of President

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

international community, focusing specifically on the objectives and authority of the UN in relation to intra-state peacekeeping environments in the two specified time periods. As a first step, we established that both international normative prescriptions and the UN as actor had evolved under the influence of structural changes in world politics. The early 1960s and the early 1990s

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
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What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

postcoloniality, it furnished south-east European studies with a vernacular postcolonialism making it easier, not harder, to draw global connections. Indeed, the Yugoslav region is already linked into transnational European racial formations by studies of antiziganism. For Kurtić, or the socio-legal scholar Julija Sardelić, post-Yugoslav structural discrimination against Roma proves that constructions of racial (phenotypical and cultural) difference, beyond just constructions of ethnic belonging, are inherent in such marginalisation. Sardelić ( 2014

in Race and the Yugoslav region

–security practices and post-Yugoslav collective identities that already underpinned European integration processes themselves. The Yugoslav region inside and outside ‘Fortress Europe’ Ever since the term ‘Fortress Europe’ emerged in the 1980s, the notion of European cooperation in securing EU borders and agreeing more restrictive immigration policies towards citizens of the Global South has been criticised as structurally racist – by giving Europeans, most of whom are white, privileged mobility over non-Europeans, most of whom are not

in Race and the Yugoslav region

of the European Union as an international actor. Foreign policy analysis and the end of the Cold War The pealing back of Cold War bipolarity has revealed the extent to which underlying processes of societal transformation have changed the structural dynamics of international society in late modern Europe. These transformations have been concentrated in Western Europe but their

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Order and security in post-Cold War Europe

Cold War, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992, p. vii. 31 Robert O. Keohane and Stanley Hoffmann, ‘The Diplomacy of Structural Change: Multilateral Institutions and State Strategies’, in Hoftendorn and Tuschhoff (eds), America and Europe, pp. 44–5. 32 Stephen J. Cimbala, US Military Strategy and the Cold War Endgame, London: Frank Cass, 1995, p. 127. 33 Robert E. Hunter, ‘Starting at Zero: US Foreign Policy for the 1990s’, in Roberts (ed.), US Foreign Policy, p. 15. 34 David P. Calleo, ‘America’s Federal Nation State: A Crisis of Post-imperial Viability’, Political

in Theory and reform in the European Union

become more importsensitive, export-oriented, multinational and dependent on global financial markets for investment. Multinational capital looks increasingly to trade off capital-intensive, high-value-added processes in the advanced industrial (or post-industrial) countries for cheap-labour production in labour-intensive industries located in China and less developed countries. Meanwhile technological change – especially information and communications technology, the lowering of transport costs and the increasing flexibility of production methods – and the growth of

in Democratization through the looking-glass