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In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.

From Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’

ITLP_C04.QXD 18/8/03 9:57 am Page 57 4 Ralph Miliband and the Labour Party: from Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’ Michael Newman Ralph Miliband completed Parliamentary Socialism at the end of 1960 and it was published in October 1961. This proved to be probably the most influential book on the Labour Party written during the post-war era – possibly the most significant of any period. As chapter 5 will confirm, the book helped shape a whole school of left-wing interpretations of the party (Coates 2002; Panitch and Leys 1997) and established an analytical

in Interpreting the Labour Party

new politics of the Centre-Right. In the Third Way vision, the State seeks to regulate capitalism not in order to soften its impact, but in order to bring its logic to bear on all aspects of existence. Acknowledging the continuing appeal of the core values of social democracy and of socialism, and invoking them in support of a diametrically opposed agenda, Giddens caricatures

in The Third Way and beyond

social intelligence in the midst of a liberal-capitalist order that stunted the intelligence of its citizens. Moreover, I want to focus on Dewey’s ideas about how the Great Society and its regime of bourgeois democracy needed to shift to a form of democratic socialism to achieve the goal of becoming a Great Community. These economic reforms not only seemingly laid the grounds for all of Dewey’s other reforms but were also based on the need to provide the ethical commitment at the heart of democracy as a way of life and the grounds for an expanded social intelligence

in John Dewey

(1918–77). This is not to argue that Crosland’s work is directly or entirely relevant to the contemporary situation. Over fifty years have passed since he wrote his major work, The Future of Socialism (Crosland [1956] 1963) and over thirty since his last significant publication, Socialism Now (Crosland 1974). Indeed, the essence of his argument was the need to revise the meaning of socialism as circumstances changed. The period since Crosland’s death has marked a period of significant challenge to the socialist position he outlined, both intellectually in the form of

in In search of social democracy

and continuing importance. So, for example, in the essays gathered to mark the Labour Party’s centenary (Brivati and Heffernan 2000), the works to be discussed here were dismissed by Ben Pimlott as the ‘we wuz robbed’ school of party history (Jefferys 2000: 68); and even the more careful Robert Taylor reported that in the work inspired by the writings of Miliband ‘trade unions were portrayed as a formidable, defensive barrier to Labour’s Socialist advance, supposedly holding back the masses from commitment to a militant socialism’ (Taylor 2000: 10). But neither

in Interpreting the Labour Party

. . . it is not a case of either this or that . . . It is possible to look forward to a peaceful revolution in Britain, not because it will be a semi-revolution, nor because capitalism is ‘evolving’ into socialism, but because the advances of 1942–8 were real, because the socialist potential has been enlarged, and socialist forms, however imperfect, have grown up ‘within’ capitalism. This dialectical approach was clarified by Saville (1960: 9) when he argued for the translation of theory into practice, and the embracing of all forms of Left activity: Such activities

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Core historical concepts reconsidered

democratic constitution. Space does not allow an analysis of reformminded forces in the nations formerly dominated by communist parties (e.g. the Yugoslav system of self-management; the council movement in the Hungarian uprising of 1956; or the reforms during the ‘Prague Spring’) or initiatives in the developing world. Instead, the chapter focuses on those developments that were most influential in the capitalist West: first, guild socialism in Britain and the combination of the council movement and socialisation in Germany and Austria after the First World War; second

in In search of social democracy
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) fraction in the Reichstag to form the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD). The new party voted against war credits and opposed Germany’s continuing prosecution of the war. Social democrats also highlighted the systematic way in which the infant Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was depriving trade unions of independent civil rights and citizens of political freedom. The reality of the dictatorship of the proletariat, they insisted, was a travesty of democratic socialism.3 The presumption of a polarity between communism and social democracy survived in a diluted

in In search of social democracy
Responses to crisis and modernisation

This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.