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International, national and community integration

NGOs may have limited the extent to which they could potentially develop the influence that could have provided access to these high-level partnerships. However, perhaps a greater barrier to inclusion within HIV/AIDS partnership structures was the lack of understanding of SfD on the part of stakeholders with direct control or influence over the membership of these structures. One leader of a Zambian SfD NGO believed that national stakeholders

in Localizing global sport for development

stakeholder (ACS) principle as the main plank of his theory of democratic inclusion, with AAI and ASC both relegated to supporting roles. The best succinct statement of ACS is found in another of his papers: “Those and only those individuals have a claim to membership whose individual autonomy and well-being is linked to the collective self-government and flourishing of a particular polity” (Bauböck 2015 : 825). 8 Since this principle is

in Democratic inclusion

implementation of these alternatives is achieved through a full integration of social and economic needs into management decisions (Pavlikakis and Tsihrintzis 2000:265 ff). Ecosystem management and existing units of governance: alternative ways to negotiate a ‘better fit’ The inclusion of different stakeholders and interests in ESM means that conflicting economic and social demands enter the process (see Jones et al. 1995:166). This, and the fact that stakeholders’ actions have economic effects across areas of various scales, means that the distribution (read ‘nesting’) of

in Sweden and ecological governance

by the university, TK, DENR and the community. Resource persons with local expertise came from partner organizations. Key stakeholders’ involvement in the project and their roles: • LGU: source of data on local environment-related concerns, financial support and participant transport. • DENR: source of data on environment-related concerns, resource persons and technical expertise. • Tanggol Kalikasan: human resources for environmental lawyers and financial support. • Bukidnon State University: overall coordination of partners, facilitation of TNA, preparation

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Open Access (free)

assessment. This framework allows them to reveal significant implications of the much-discussed 1983 and 1996 reports on risk by the US National Research Council. The first report, the famous ‘Red Book’, distinguished sharply between risk assessment and risk Expertise 171 management, and it did not advocate public involvement in risk assessment. The 1996 report, in contrast, called for involving stakeholders in an ‘analytic-deliberative model’. From a public engagement perspective, the second report has widely been seen as an improvement. But Hartley and Kokotovich

in Science and the politics of openness

Rainer Bauböck's essay argues persuasively that our account of democratic inclusion needs to be more complex than is usually recognized. Whereas most authors attempt to identify a single fundamental principle of democratic inclusion – whether it is the all affected interests principle or the all subjected to coercion principle or some social membership/stakeholder principle – Bauböck shows that there are different types

in Democratic inclusion

been underpinned by assumptions that sport can be beneficial to individuals and also to ‘society’ – by, for example, promoting inclusion, regulating undesirable behaviour or contributing to public health. From some perspectives, therefore, SfD in the twenty-first century might appear to be no more than ‘old wine in new bottles’ (Kidd, 2012 ). In practice, however, while the current SfD movement has strong associations with both its more

in Localizing global sport for development

subplot deals with the link between ideas on community and socialism. The third subplot concerns the narrative on social exclusion–social inclusion, which sheds light on New Labour’s approach to poverty and social inequalities. The final section assesses the impact of these ideas on New Labour’s ideology and argues that New Labour did not endorse communitarianism, but simply used

in The Third Way and beyond

the creation of any new tax on oil products’.2 Fierce industry lobbying led to the inclusion of tax conditionality, meaning that the tax would not be implemented if other OECD countries did not follow suit. This contributed to the killing of the tax and consequently to the crippling of EU leadership ambitions in Rio (Skjærseth, 1994; see also Newell, 2000). In the end, however, it was the member states that sank the tax proposal. Some countries argued that it did not go far enough. The Danes in particular said that it could not pass with the conditionality clause

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Monstrous markets – neo-liberalism, populism and the demise of the public university

-liberalism which operates through the co-production of policy objectives. This involves consultation with those affected by 304 Science and the politics of openness proposed policies and with interests in the outcome, generally called the ‘stakeholders’. Consultation might appear to be an evidence-based process with consensus as its aim, but, in truth, interests are frequently not reconcilable and what the parties put forward is interest-based evidence. In this context, government acts as mediator of such evidence, which it collates and selects according to its own policy

in Science and the politics of openness