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multitude of bystanders, watchers, wanderers, shoppers, sellers and commuters going ahead with their myriad activities (cited in Scott 1998: 132–46). A similar argument could be made regarding the role of creative survival strategies put in place to host and feed the troops. Their menace, disorder, disruption and distrust are mitigated by the same activities that are used to sustain family, neighbours and community. The hierarchically commanded militarising presence is subverted by making the military dependent, with a duty of reciprocity, on the landscape of

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

set of domestic and foreign policy concerns, particularly the desire to address unresolved border disputes with its many neighbours, to dampen ethnic unrest in the Xinjiang autonomous province, to foster regional economic cooperation, to open new markets for Chinese arms, and to reduce the incidence of drug trafficking and illegal migration.2 American interest in the region was closely linked to the Clinton strategy of engagement and enlargement, particularly the desire to facilitate the transition to democracy and the market economy in the states spawned by the

in Limiting institutions?

–Shalikashvili initiative, the PfP process, without American leadership, would probably have floundered within NATO.5 167 2504Chap9 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 168 Institutions of security governance US and NATO allies projected PfP as a non-threatening security strategy across Europe and Eurasia during the 1990s. Indeed, the PfP process evolved to become a force multiplier strategy eventually serving the interests of stability throughout the region. Through PfP, NATO and PfP nations could project their forces collectively to confront traditional and non-traditional security threats, as

in Limiting institutions?

: scaling down ambitions to match capabilities and/or building up capabilities to sustain ambitions. Effectiveness denotes the capacity to implement policies. Arguably, state consolidation depends on some balance between the institutionalisation of state structures and the incorporation of mobilised social forces into them (Huntington 1968). A balance endows elites with both sufficient autonomy to make rational choices and sufficient legitimacy and structural capacity to mobilise the support and extract the resources to sustain these choices

in The international politics of the Middle East

solutions reveals the dynamics of a discourse of legitimacy in the face of failure. But, contrary to the overall aim stated in the quote, criticism has not gone away. In fact, a substantial review took place at the end of 2012, just after the crisis of the M-23 movement. A new ‘robust mandate’ was put in place, authorising the use of force for the purpose of attacking armed groups, together with a new political strategy aimed at addressing conflicts over land, corruption and impunity. This was due not only to pressures in the UN Security Council, whose ‘P-3 were pushing

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

7 Everyday resistance and everyday order in world politics D espite the increasing involvement of peacebuilding strategies in spheres of sovereign authority after the Cold War, and despite the fact that these strategies aim to reconstitute state authority, peacebuilding continues to be thought of as external to the conflicts and violent dynamics it addresses. The critical peace and conflict studies literature has challenged this vision, but in trying to understand the power dynamics in peacebuilding processes it has reified a binary vision by analysing these

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

3 The history and present of ‘Africa’s World War’ S The ‘failure’ of the DRC and the militarisation of peace peaking in 2010 of the International Security and Stabilisation Support Strategy (ISSSS) for the DRC, a MONUSCO officer argued that the escalation of violence in the Kivus over the last few years was caused by the DRC state being ‘inexistent’ (MONUSCO – ISSSS/STAREC liaison officer 2010). For this MONUSCO representative, some functions of the state did not work properly. So the task of international actors was to operationalise the state towards making

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

support of neighbouring countries’ invasion of the DRC in 1998–2003, the insecurity provoked by the different CNDP uprisings and the ongoing presence of foreign and national armed groups represent a continuation of the self-defence and liberation agenda. The strategies undertaken for surviving and confronting war are inseparable from the strategy of joining armed militias as a way of ‘reacting against their marginalisation and exclusion’ (Vlassenroot 2002: 150). The means used are largely conditioned by the historical moment in which actors are embedded. Nevertheless

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Explaining foreign policy variation

both Syria and Jordan depend on external rent, but Jordan got much of its support from the West to sustain its role as a buffer state which obstructed the mobilisation of its Palestinian majority against Israel and kept the armies of radical Arab states from its front line with Israel; Syria, by contrast, received Arab rent to sustain its resistance to Israel. Differential state formation translated into opposing foreign policy alignments and strategies: while Syria relied on the Soviets to balance American support for Israel and to achieve the military capability to

in The international politics of the Middle East
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A bounded security role in a greater Europe

baffling. Whatever else was said, Communist participation in allied governments would have adversely 229 2504Chap12 7/4/03 12:42 pm Page 230 Institutions of security governance affected NATO cohesion. Sustaining the US dollar as the Euro-Atlantic currency of choice was also compelling. As was shown during the monetary storms of the 1970s, an erratic dollar rattled more than the sole US economy. Preserving the US control of the nuclear deterrent should not have been a matter for serious debate either: who else? Even assuming that de Gaulle had a visionary sense of

in Limiting institutions?