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The case of the Netherlands
Stuart Blume

rest of the world was doing, reflected the country's high coverage rate and near-success in controlling the disease. 17 Polio vaccine was combined with the existing DPT vaccine in order to avoid the need for an additional visit to the doctor or child health centre, which could have brought down the coverage level. A stronger (‘enhanced’) IPV was developed in order to reduce the number of vaccinations required. Sustaining the national vaccination programme

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Duncan Wilson

the name of individual and collective health; and strategies for intervention upon patients and populations. They argue that these planes are ‘continually recombining and transforming one another’ and claim that we therefore need to work on a ‘small scale’ in order to detail how and why configurations of biopower differ markedly over time and in different locations.23 When we consider bioethics, history is vital for showing how bioethicists have had a different impact on these various aspects of biopower in specific locations, thanks to the outlook of individuals

in The making of British bioethics
William Muraskin

polio campaign is an egregious example of the often under-handed process (means) that has generally been employed to save the lives of children (ends). There was and still is a downside when a few inspired but relentless individuals successfully push through global initiatives in which vaccines are not understood as a means to help build a long-term sustainable health system but rather as indispensable weapons for winning dramatic, but short-term, wars

in The politics of vaccination
Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48
Susan Armstrong-Reid

trusted to direct the nursing school:32 it ‘would be a waste of time and the lives of the students’.33 Others, with a more positive view of the Chinese head nurses’ wartime role and questioning the hospital’s future sustainability once the FAU team withdrew,34 warned that Stanley should expect a cool reception. In June 1946, Stanley received a letter explaining why a new head nurse, ‘whose compatibility with the native nurses is a strong point’, was required at Weihwei.35 While Stanley’s value as a peacemaker was recognised, scepticism remained about her administrative

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
Nursing work and nurses’ space in the Second World War: a gendered construction
Jane Brooks

transport it took time to post new soldiers to these far-­flung war zones. It was therefore critical to success that men already present in these theatres of war were ‘fighting-­fit’.3 The mobility of battles of the Second World War, brought on by ‘technological advances in destructive capabilities’ necessitated a complete transformation of the techniques needed to manage the injuries and illnesses of war.4 The frequency of injuries sustained by modern weaponry and the diseases developed in alien places needed a new type of medical ­service – ­one that was present near

in Negotiating nursing
Elisha P. Renne

was eventually produced at the Federal Vaccine Production Laboratories at Yaba in 1974, 22 by the time that the Expanded Programme on Immunisation was fully implemented in Nigeria, vaccines for the programme were being imported by UNICEF. Unlike countries such as Hungary and Brazil discussed by Vargha and Benchimol (Chapters 3 and 7 , this volume), there has not been a large and sustained national programme of vaccine production in

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

introduced to a receptive public. Indeed, for the high-profile ones (such as Salk's poliomyelitis vaccine) there was active demand from citizens. But such demand was also tempered by concerns about other risks, such as vaccine damage, convenience and financial sustainability. Thus, the public played a key role in shaping public health authorities’ priorities. The general trend was toward the increased use of vaccination, in terms both of the number of vaccines available and of percentage uptake among the population. This relationship between the

in Vaccinating Britain
Open Access (free)
Duncan Wilson

medicine’ no longer qualified doctors ‘to make good ethical decisions’. Instead, philosophers, lawyers and theologians had now become vital ‘for the definition of issues, methodological strategies, and procedures for decision-making’.10 Bioethics, Callahan stated, should ‘be so designed, and its practitioners so trained that it will directly – at whatever the cost to disciplinary elegance – serve those physicians and biologists whose position demands they make the practical decisions’.11 Introduction 3 These arguments appealed to politicians, doctors and scientists

in The making of British bioethics
Fighting a tropical scourge, modernising the nation
Jaime Benchimol

change of strategy In that same ill-fated month of May 1927, Rio de Janeiro experienced the outbreak of an epidemic 32 demolishing any hopes that it would be an easy task to eradicate yellow fever. The newly discovered evidence from West Africa inspired a flurry of experimental studies and intense exchanges of information among Europe, the Americas and Africa. In the 1920s, yet another characteristic of the virus, which was already linked to

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

rights to forego vaccination. If vaccination drove even more employees away from fever hospitals, that buffer might not exist at all. 1950s propaganda and education campaign The outbreaks in 1949 and 1950 did not substantially alter the Ministry's approach to routine vaccination. The Ministry responded to individual enquiries and stressed the need for health visitors to use a ‘personal approach’ with parents to convince them of the benefits for their child. 61 There was, however, no sustained propaganda campaign. The complications associated with mass vaccination

in Vaccinating Britain