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Jacopo Pili

satisfied Western democracies. In March 1938, Laderchi wrote a report on British rearmament in which he claimed it had a merely defensive purpose, in accordance with the people’s opinion that British lives were too precious to be risked in petty fights among continental countries. Laderchi was convinced that rearmament was in no way a prelude to a more ‘active,’ if not quite ‘offensive,’ British foreign policy: Great Britain does not want to be dragged into a new European war. Who fought it emerged from it with a feeling of disgust, has taught his children in the belief

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Rhiannon Vickers

relationship with the USA as part of the post-war settlement, arguing that Britain would be unable to meet all its possible European and imperial commitments without military support from the USA, particularly within the context of an expansionist Soviet Union. During the last few months of the war, Attlee and the Labour ministers became increasingly involved in the development of the postwar international settlement. For Labour Party members, their expectations of change in both British foreign policy and in international relations intensified as victory, and the prospect

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Thomas Robb

3 A year of discord 1973–74 No special relations. Correct. They’ll [Britain] have the relation with the French. President Nixon to Henry Kissinger, 9 August 19731 A year of discord At the onset of 1973, the US–UK relationship was entering a new epoch. The East of Suez withdrawal had lessened Britain’s global commitments and Britain officially entered the EEC on 1 January 1973. Heath was determined to chart a more Euro-centric British foreign policy, which would involve the creation of common political, foreign, monetary and energy policies within the EEC. The

in A strained partnership?
Two Cultures and a hat
Caroline Bassett

scientific as that which is beyond such niceties as cultural capital and beyond individual desires or conceits resolves into a querulous and incongruous demand for due respect ; ‘hear the status symbols/cymbals clash’, as Flanders and Swann put it in another song in the same Hat show as their ‘Thermodynamics’ song. The ‘social hope’ science offered, identified by Snow as a (post-colonial) global necessity for British foreign policy, also had to do, it turned out, with prestige, power, control, and influence in the English

in Anti-computing
Wilkes and America
Peter D.G. Thomas

Austria would adhere to her French alliance was not seen as a final rebuff, merely as a postponement of hopes cherished by many in Britain. Unrealistic as the main thrust of British foreign policy may have been, under Grenville it was nevertheless a success. Quite apart from the 1765 coup in Sweden, which was to prove short-lived in the face of French countermeasures, the Premier himself, continuing his hardline attitude already evident during the Bute ministry, resorted to what in the next century came to be known as ‘gunboat diplomacy’. Still resentful about the

in George III
India and America
Peter D.G. Thomas

settlement there without further orders. A Falkland Islands crisis was postponed only by Spanish failure to find the British base before this dispute was in 1768 temporarily overshadowed on the international scene by the Corsica question and the outbreak of a Russo-Turkish war.29 The failure of British foreign policy during the Chatham ministry can be ascribed to internal factors as well as the unfavourable international scene, the distractions of party politics at home and the need to devise measures for India and America. Yet when the new Parliamentary session began in

in George III
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

: John Wiley & Sons, 2003). 71 Searle, Struggle for Syria, p. 293. 72 Michael Ionides, Divide and Lose: The Arab Revolt: 1955–​58 (London: Cox & Wyman, 1960), pp. 109–​97. 73 Keith Kyle, Suez (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1991). 74 Eden, House of Commons (23 December 1929), quoted in Kyle, Suez, p. 1. 75 See​releases/​2008/​october/​suez-​14-​08-​1956.htm (accessed 10.11.15). See also Mark Garnett, Simon Mabon and Robert Smith, British Foreign Policy Since 1945 (London: Routledge, 2017). 76 Michel Aflaq, Fi Sabil al-​Ba’ath [In the

in Houses built on sand
Sweden and the lesser powers in the long eighteenth century
Erik Bodensten

Press, 1969); Michael Roberts, Splendid Isolation, 1763–1780: The Stenton Lecture 1969 (Reading: University of Reading, 1970); Ingrao, The Hessian Mercenary State, pp. 135–162; Jeremy Black, A System of Ambition? British Foreign Policy 1660–1793 (Harlow: Longman, 1991), pp. 204ff; Wilson, ‘The German’, 786–787; Wilson, German Armies, pp. 311–312, 326; Scott, The Birth, pp. 146–147. Sweden received very substantial British subsidies in 1805–1816; Åmark, Sveriges statsfinanser, pp. 594, 852–856; Sherwig, Guineas and Gunpowder, pp. 366–368, passim; Jan Glete, ‘The

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Jacopo Pili

’s words castigating the vices of universal suffrage and democracy were printed in Il Corriere. His attacks against British foreign policy and the League of Nations were reported, and when in 1938 Shaw British Politics, Economics and Culture in Fascist Discourse 63 reprimanded those who dared to call Mussolini and Hitler dictators, explaining that Fascism was instead ‘a new form of government,’ he was praised in the newspapers as a great antiparliamentary author.118 Furthermore, he was considered of enough importance, together with Shakespeare, to be one of only two

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Political re-alignments
Peter D.G. Thomas

, 114–16. BL Add. MSS. 32978, fos 235–41. BL Add. MSS. 32988, fo. 49. Lawson, George Grenville, pp. 258–69. O’Gorman, Rise of Party, pp. 220–8. BL Add. MSS. 32990, fo. 57. BL Add. MSS. 32990, fo. 107. Thomas, John Wilkes, pp. 68–76. Thomas, John Wilkes, pp. 76–86. Walpole, Memoirs, III, 146. Legg, British Diplomatic Instructions, pp. 101–5. Corr. of George III, II, 44. For a detailed examination of the Corsica question see Escott, Thesis, pp. 134–218. Scott, British Foreign Policy, pp. 112–24. Thomas, Townshend Duties Crisis, pp. 76–8. Thomas, Townshend Duties Crisis

in George III