Emigration and sectarian rivalry

be impacted by the substantial loss of population which emigration represented. Between 1849 and 1852, as the immediacy of the Famine crisis dissipated and priests returned to being primarily religious pastors 149 Roddy_Population_Printer.indd 149 15/09/2014 11:47 Population, providence and empire rather than relief organisers, many of them began evaluating how the dust of five years of death and emigration had settled on their parishes. Even before the official census revealed a deficit of two million people – some 20% of the total pre-Famine population

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The clergy and emigration in principle

depressed decades following the Anglo-French wars. Figures ranging from MPs to classical economists to, in this instance at least, a rather unromantic Poet Laureate, were convinced that an expanded and expanding post23 Roddy_Population_Printer.indd 23 15/09/2014 11:47 Population, providence and empire Waterloo population could not be immediately provided for in any other manner.3 The idea derived from a widely held dogma of Irish ‘overpopulation’, in itself a rather problematic concept. As Joel Moykr noted some years ago, it is ordinarily difficult to define what

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The clergy and emigration in practice

the New World’.11 At its worst, it was the belief that ‘it would have been better for tens of thousands of Irish 63 Roddy_Population_Printer.indd 63 15/09/2014 11:47 Population, providence and empire Catholics to have starved to death in Ireland than ever to have set foot on our shores’, or the ‘solemn belief ’ of a Fr Reardon that ‘if the vessels which bring them over were suddenly to founder, and carry every creature on board into the depths of the ocean, they would have a better chance of salvation, than they have after they have lived for some time in this

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for severe retribution to ‘re-establish that empire of opinion; – that conviction of our supremacy, and of the irresistible superiority of the Anglo-Saxon race, on which the rule of the British in India depended’. Blame for the outrages was placed firmly at the door of the Company. It has pursued ‘worldly gain’ at the cost of promotion of Christianity. Only the ‘simple operation of wise and good

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‘present extended taste for reading ’, much of which was centred in London. 13 This ‘march of intellect’ has swept aside resistance from a corrupt state oligarchy which had precipitated a crisis in empire through the loss of the thirteen colonies, ferment in Europe and threat of yet further loss of India. From this struggle for power, the ‘ spirit of inquiry ’ has gone forth promoting new approaches to

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share, most notably by ‘enlarging the plantation trade’ since it was the ‘one great cause of enriching this nation’. Among them, however, was a chapter entitled ‘Proposals for better regulating and employing the poor’. This seeming incongruity makes sense only when the location of the poor within empire is understood: But not withstanding we

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chapter3 21/12/04 11:14 am Page 51 3 Empire’s culture in Fredric Jameson, Edward Said and Gayatri Spivak Aijaz Ahmad’s landmark 1992 book In Theory argues that materialist and postcolonial cultural studies are fundamentally incompatible projects.1 Whatever Ahmad may aver, relations between materialism and postcolonialism are more complex than mere incompatibility. For instance, Said’s essay on empire in Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park appears in a recent book titled Contemporary Marxist Literary Criticism, where the editor Francis Mulhern defines Said as

in Postcolonial contraventions
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During the 1930s, episodes of violent protest by the inhabitants of Britain’s Caribbean colonies brought the extremely poor living and working conditions that existed in these territories to domestic and international attention. Revelations of widespread unemployment, squalid housing and malnutrition threatened the moral authority of British rule and provided fuel for critics of British imperialism. As a result, Britain made a commitment to improving living conditions in an area of the British Empire that it had previously neglected. This

in Science at the end of empire

exactly was knowledge expected to move from the laboratory and spur development? This chapter will examine the relationship between scientific investigation and colonial development that was embodied in the new arrangements for colonial research that were created in fields such as sugar chemistry during the first half of the 1940s. The late colonial period saw an unprecedented expansion in scientific research across the Colonial Empire and in British universities, funded through the Research Fund of the 1940 CDW Act and its successors. The new

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Science and industrial development: lessons from Britain’s imperial past

’s enthusiasm for investment in research as an activity essential for successful and effective colonial development cannot be reduced to some ill-defined enthusiasm for science in the ‘atomic age’. The expansion of research in the Colonial Empire is better understood as one step in the more general rise of state-funded research over the first half of the twentieth century in Britain. Officials at the Colonial Office were not the first to formulate a relationship between scientific research and economic growth. The idea that the state should assume some responsibility for the

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