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Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

War is never civilised', British Prime Minister Tony Blair declared on 10 June 1999, 'but war can be necessary to uphold civilisation.' In the context of the debate on the futures of European order, Blair's construction of the Kosovo war may be seen as an illustration of Samuel Huntington's scenario of some forthcoming 'clash of civilisations'. Adam Ferguson coined the term 'civil society' in An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Ferguson suggested that civil society was the vehicle of civilisation, being the result of what Norbert Elias was to term the 'civilising process'. Like other constitutive texts of the post-Cold War world, Huntington suggests that the end of the Cold War has been a moment of becoming. The West will have to realise, Huntington argues, that 'its Europe' is fundamentally different from 'Orthodox Europe', the Europe of Russia and, indeed, of Serbia.

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.

The evolving European security architecture
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

6 Institutional imperatives of system change The evolving European security architecture Introduction The European landscape is changing rapidly, not least owing to a series of decisions taken in the second half of the 1990s. In June 1996, NATO’s foreign ministers decided to adopt ESDI ‘within the Alliance’ and to develop the CJTF concept. In May 1997, NATO and Russia agreed to establish a Joint Permanent Council. In June 1997, EU leaders reached agreement on the AMT. In July 1997 in Madrid, NATO agreed on the admission of three new members (Poland, Hungary and

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Russia as ‘a Europe apart’
Andrew Monaghan

dispute between Gazprom and Naftogaz Ukraini, which both lasted longer than the 2006 dispute and had a more substantial effect on gas supplies to members of the EU. Altogether, as one Western writer suggested, a ‘sense of crisis’ pervaded wider European security. This drew on both ‘concrete realities and from differing perceptions’. The concrete developments included the uncertainty

in The new politics of Russia
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

extend the western system of security governance into Eurasia delegitimise it? Will the heterogeneity of the states occupying the geopolitical space of ‘Eurasia’ push all states towards a renewed embrace of the sovereignty norm and the system of alliances it inevitably engenders? These questions are important because the evolution of international politics in Eurasia is not peripheral to European security and is central to the successful expansion of the Atlantic security community into eastern Europe, including the Russian Federation. The postwar security order

in Limiting institutions?
From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

this evolution: the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP); and the emergence of a neo-conservative strand in US foreign policy thinking. Efforts at emboldening the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy with a military dimension had been largely ineffectual until the end of the 1990s, when the project was given a greater impetus by the war in Kosovo together with a renewed Franco-British commitment to the project. The events of 1999 compelled EU member states to create a viable military component to empower their collective external role and voice in the world

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
A bounded security role in a greater Europe
Simon Serfaty

recognise that EU and NATO decisions are not separable as the two institutions best equipped to serve as primary guarantors of the new European security order.18 To achieve this goal, each institution should also reach out to European states that already belong to the other. Thus, by 2005–7, most European members of an enlarged NATO are likely to be in the EU, while most members of an enlarged EU will probably have joined NATO, thus extending the boundaries of a Greater Europe to the Baltic region, central Europe and Slovenia. By that time, too, the reorganisation of a

in Limiting institutions?
Catherine Baker

adopted the same narratives as Western leaders in arguing that pre-emptive intervention against terrorist organisations that threatened European and Western values abroad was necessary to prevent them launching further attacks against the West. This placed them firmly within what European security studies calls ‘Euro-Atlantic’ institutions, an idea emphasising that Western diplomatic strategy for politically integrating the Yugoslav region and thus preventing future ethnopolitical conflict relied on the successor states' integration into NATO as well as the EU (Ó

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

, embedded in an EU and a NATO that, through their inclusive and non-aggressive character, do not permit the ‘alliance– counter-alliance’ structure of the Europe of the past. An intricate ‘European security architecture’ – provided by the two institutions mentioned plus others – may be confusing and overlapping, but may also preserve peace and co-operation via their multiple activities. Co-operation intensified following the terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September 2001, leading to a broad anti-terrorism coalition spanning the Atlantic and beyond and

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

globalisation and its being exposed to greater competition from emerging non-European economies. Austria, Finland and Sweden joined the European Union in 1995, increasing its membership to fifteen. Other institutions, such as the Council of Europe, also included more and more members in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe and began to form – with NATO, the European Union and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) – a rather complicated Europeansecurity architecture’. All these organisations were faced with immediate challenges, such as

in Destination Europe