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forms of social organisation and political authority. These may not be enough to stop war, change the government and the rules of international political economy, but they are an essential basis for more meaningful social and political order. 195
and, more importantly, national democracy would have to be key focal points of any global democracy. As Dewey’s views on the nature of international political economy and political experiments such as the League of Nations highlight, it would simply be impossible to reform the global economy without changing the policies of powerful nation states. The lesson Dewey therefore provides here for twenty-first century observers is that global democracy, which depends on forms of transnational communication and collaboration, equally cannot function on the reification of
national stability of societal systems as regulatory forces under neoliberal globalisation. Equally, it is clearly the case that any sort of ‘coherence’ of national-societal systems is predicated on some sort of coherence with the demands of international political economy and globalising capitalism. To be practically adequate, comparative analysis needs both to take systematic account of the selective ‘efficiency’ of societies as informed by processes of international integration (Rubery, 1992; Wilkinson, 1983), and to recognise that these processes imply that
the intellect . . .’, British Journal of Politics & International Relations, 4:3 Heath, A., Jowell, R. and Curtice, J. (1985) How Britain Votes, Oxford Helleiner, R. (1995) ‘Explaining the globalisation of financial markets: bringing states back in’, Review of International Political Economy, 2 Kerr, P. (2001) Postwar British Politics: From Conflict to Consensus Marsh, D. (2002) ‘Pluralism and the study of British politics’, in Hay, C. (ed.) British Politics Today, Cambridge ITLP_C12.QXD 18/8/03 196 10:02 am Page 196 How to study the Labour Party Marsh, D
5 The ‘contested’ firm: the restructuring of work and production in the international political economy no involuntary changes have ever spontaneously restructured or reorganised a mode of production; … changes in productive relationships are experienced in social and cultural life, refracted in men’s ideas and their values, and argued through in their actions, their choices and their beliefs. (Thompson, 1976/1994: 222) T he desire to comprehend, order and manage the dual dynamics of globalisation and restructuring has led to much attention being paid to the
, since it is embedded more broadly in patterns of society relations, in the dynamics of international political economy and in state constitutive patterns of world order. Power–resistance relations are not an isolated relationship between authority and subject. In fact, one of the insights from looking at peacebuilding from a historical sociological perspective and from an African case study is that this relationship is a plural relationship of ‘multiple authorities and centres of political control’, not a binary (Raeymaekers 2007: 173). The particular context is
the core great powers and the international political economy constitutes a dilemma for regional states. The core is both the indispensable source of many crucial resources and of constraints on the autonomy of regional states. The constraining impact of the core ranges from the threat of active military intervention or economic sanctions to the leverage derived from the dependency of regional states, maximised where there is high need and a lack of alternatives for the client state. In extreme cases, foreign policy may be chiefly designed to access economic
years to secure the future of the Internet: the international political economy of net neutrality, and the institutional economic aspect. Telecoms companies and their lobbyists first claimed it is of no relevance, then fought fiercely to oppose it. It was meant to be solved in Europe in 2009, when options for regulation were attached to the ‘telecoms package’. It was meant to be solved in the US when
included notions of a partnership of equals, of an attempt to rid the EU–ACP relationship of ‘neo-colonialism’ and, for the ACP at least, of the need to reform the international political economy. Thus the modalities of aid provision in the Convention reflected the political character of EU–ACP relations at the time. Aid was to be administered jointly by the two parties, with the ACP possessing the sole right to propose development projects for EU funding. Aid granted by the EU was on a contractual basis, establishing an ACP country’s right to a given amount of aid
supranational 30 Sports law and policy in the European Union officials as increasing ‘slowly and unevenly, if at all’ (Moravcsik 1993: 476). Second, Moravcsik makes a theoretical criticism of neo-functionalism. Rather than employing general theories of international political economy, neo-functionalists attempted to explain European integration as a unique process. As a result, neo-functionalism lost the benefit of comparability and testability. Neo-functionalism From a neo-functional perspective, policy evolution in the EU is functionally determined and supranational