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Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

discrimination experienced by Israeli Palestinians remains. Over the long term, the superior Palestinian birth rate, 25 and the growing political consciousness of the Palestinian population harbingers the likelihood of increasing demands for social equality, and a potential constitutional crisis for an Israeli society that struggles to balance its egalitarian democratic principles with a predominantly Jewish identity

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

Jewish identity transcended national boundaries, and that Jews were prominent in both communism and capitalism, was another reason to fear and hate them. The leader and the elite All versions of fascism despise democracy and communism for their emphasis on equality. Fascists believe that inequality of individuals, as well as of peoples, is a plain fact of nature. Political systems should take account of

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

much value on their Jewish identity and saw themselves only as good liberals or good socialists. Some created new hybrid identities out of the encounter between Germans and Jews. And some, including Arendt herself, refused to discard their particularity as Jews in order to be accepted as universal human beings. If we are to recover the force of Arendt's argument, we have more work to do. We need to make a distinction Arendt generally did not observe: that

in Antisemitism and the left
Open Access (free)
Philip Roth, antisemitism and the Holocaust
David Brauner

At a conference on ‘Jewish Identities and American Writing’, hosted by the Rothermere American Institute in 2001, Howard Jacobson gave a talk (which has never been published) in which he subjected the celebrated opening lines of Saul Bellow’s The Adventures of Augie March (1953) to a close reading that, he claimed, exposed its grammatical confusion and intellectual imprecision. He went on to juxtapose a sex scene from Philip Roth’s The Dying Animal (2001) with one from his own novel No More Mr Nice Guy , in order to demonstrate the alleged superiority of

in Howard Jacobson
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

differences became embedded within political institutions and society. Along with this, the dominance of Judaism, as both formal and normative structure, plays a prominent role in the regulation of life across the state, politically and culturally. Formal and normative structures have collapsed into one another, changing the characteristics of the Israeli state, where structural violence along Jewish lines becomes a defining part of relations between Jews and non-​Jewish identity groups across both Israel and the Palestinian territories. From the cradle to the grave and

in Houses built on sand
Open Access (free)
Towards a teleological model of nationalism
David Bruce MacDonald

teleological model seeking, and then gaining, a homeland, one of the main features of Hebrew nationalism was the covenantal culture it created – a special relationship or series of agreements made between a people and their deity. Much of Zionism, and indeed nationalism in general, revolved around the concept of status reversal, or Covenant, the promise of deliverance in the midst of hardship. The Covenant was absolutely central to Jewish identity, in particular the concept of ‘chosenness’, according to the historian Donald Harman Akenson.6 The Zionist writer Martin Buber

in Balkan holocausts?
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

Zionist national movement which, like other national movements, worked to instil among its future citizens a (Jewish) national worldview. The values and principles of the Israeli ‘ethnic democracy’ are intended to perpetuate the Jewish community’s uniqueness, its legitimate control over the country and its role as a centralised state in charge of the education system and its various sectors. This approach laid the grounds for reinforcing Jewish identity among most pupils of the State’s schools and creating the affinity between the Jewish and Israeli national identity

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

could only be disrupted by the persistence of a distinct and harmful Jewish identity. The apprehension they expressed is that the homogenising sense of national identity into which liberalism was drawn was moving inexorably in racist and antisemitic directions. Lurking within the liberal tradition, Horkheimer and Adorno discerned a potential for prejudice and persecution which found expression in the exclusion of Jews from the national community: ‘The harmony of

in Antisemitism and the left
David Bruce MacDonald

, Serbia’s Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History (College Station, TX: Texas A & M University Press, 1996) p. 117. 52 Ibid. p. 199. 53 Laslo Sekelj, ‘Antisemitism and Jewish Identity in Serbia After the 1991 Collapse of the Yugoslav State’, in Analysis of Current Trends in Antisemitism, 1997 acta no. 12 (Jerusalem: The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism/ Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997) p. 1. 54 Florence Hamish Levinsohn, Belgrade: Among the Serbs (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1994) p. 16. 55 Ibid. p. 251. 56 Quoted in Yelen

in Balkan holocausts?
Raymond Hinnebusch

construction of an undiluted Jewish identity for Israel (Gerner 1991: 50–6, 59, 62–3; Peri 1988: 44; Sela 1998: 40–1; Smith 1996: 142). The sub-state communal conflict of Palestinian and Jew had now been transformed into an inter-state conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbours (Gerner 1991: 49). The Arab states rejected peace with Israel. In Arab eyes, Israel was no ordinary state but an extension of the West, a bridgehead of world Jewry rejecting assimilation into the area, and which, seeking to incorporate Jews from around the world and with

in The international politics of the Middle East