Search results
governments of Britain, Greece, Turkey and Cyprus wanted him to appoint a UN observer in Cyprus. 9 Nevertheless Britain and the United States repeatedly produced plans which largely excluded the UN but included NATO. Opposition to the NATO option Following the deadlock in London, two Anglo-American proposals for NATO peacekeeping in Cyprus were refused by Makarios
β in effect, the claims to unproblematic leadership; the autonomous rituals of enemy construction; and the domestically driven or interest-based imperatives to act βdecisivelyβ in certain, selected cases. From this perspective, the undeclared NATO war against Yugoslavia also can be seen as a Western liberation from the constraints of the UN β with the approval of its new
enlarge the geographical scope of European integration as at best futile, at worst a process that may weaken Western civilisation. βEuropeβ, he claims, can not be (and therefore should not be) redefined by politics, since politics has to be based on the βfactβ that Europeβs (geographical) west is part of a different civilisation than Europeβs east. The enlargement of NATO and
overnight. The NATO-led military operation against Yugoslavia had to be based on broad popular support, which required careful preparation. For one thing, the existing gallery of Western political images had to be rearranged and even transformed so as to avoid the need for a United Nations Security Council mandate which would legitimise the military intervention and overcome the barriers of sovereignty and
developments? In Kosovo, the conflict which had escalated after the abolition the Provinceβs autonomous status eventually prompted a NATO bombing campaign against the new Yugoslavia between March and June 1999. The assessment, planning and implementation stages of NATOβs intervention occurred with negligible reference to the Security Council. 7 It would seem, at least at first sight, as if, in the
signalled the onset of tension. In 1947, the Truman Doctrine, the domino theory, the rise of McCarthyism and the Marshall Plan paved the way for the first major geopolitical confrontation: the 1948 Berlin crisis. Although a war was barely averted, the crisis added to the intensification of the Cold War. The following year, NATO would be created to counter the perceived Soviet threat. 4
, Egypt, Israel, Afghanistan and, more recently, Kosovo and Macedonia, clearly demonstrate. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces could overpower the Serbian army with its arsenal of weapons in 1999, but in 2000 and 2001 they were unable to contain the religiousβethnic UΓK irregularsβ acts of revenge against the Christian Serbs and Macedonians. In the traditional historical (not the
highly critical of NATO involvement in Bosnia; see V. Peresada, βUnprecedented NATO military action in Balkansβ, Pravda (6 April 1993) reproduced in The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press , 45:14 (5 May 1993), 27. 63 See, for instance, the statement by D. Bennet, Jr., US Assistant Secretary
endeavours to reconcile casual use of force with the traditional requirement of consent: see J. G. Ruggie, βThe UN and the collective use of force: whither or whether?β, International Peacekeeping , 3:4 (Winter 1996), 9β10. 56 In Bosnia, for instance, NATO enforcement backed
something that can strengthen a brand. However, I show that security and especially security experience and knowledge can be analysed as brands themselves, brands that help to sell specific knowledge and technology and that are strongly connected to a specific place. Another point that is brought up by these authors is the way that entities such as North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) or the European