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Eşref Aksu

governments of Britain, Greece, Turkey and Cyprus wanted him to appoint a UN observer in Cyprus. 9 Nevertheless Britain and the United States repeatedly produced plans which largely excluded the UN but included NATO. Opposition to the NATO option Following the deadlock in London, two Anglo-American proposals for NATO peacekeeping in Cyprus were refused by Makarios

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Heikki Patomäki

– in effect, the claims to unproblematic leadership; the autonomous rituals of enemy construction; and the domestically driven or interest-based imperatives to act ‘decisively’ in certain, selected cases. From this perspective, the undeclared NATO war against Yugoslavia also can be seen as a Western liberation from the constraints of the UN – with the approval of its new

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

enlarge the geographical scope of European integration as at best futile, at worst a process that may weaken Western civilisation. ‘Europe’, he claims, can not be (and therefore should not be) redefined by politics, since politics has to be based on the ‘fact’ that Europe’s (geographical) west is part of a different civilisation than Europe’s east. The enlargement of NATO and

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Language games in the Kosovo war
Mika Aaltola

overnight. The NATO-led military operation against Yugoslavia had to be based on broad popular support, which required careful preparation. For one thing, the existing gallery of Western political images had to be rearranged and even transformed so as to avoid the need for a United Nations Security Council mandate which would legitimise the military intervention and overcome the barriers of sovereignty and

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Eşref Aksu

developments? In Kosovo, the conflict which had escalated after the abolition the Province’s autonomous status eventually prompted a NATO bombing campaign against the new Yugoslavia between March and June 1999. The assessment, planning and implementation stages of NATO’s intervention occurred with negligible reference to the Security Council. 7 It would seem, at least at first sight, as if, in the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

signalled the onset of tension. In 1947, the Truman Doctrine, the domino theory, the rise of McCarthyism and the Marshall Plan paved the way for the first major geopolitical confrontation: the 1948 Berlin crisis. Although a war was barely averted, the crisis added to the intensification of the Cold War. The following year, NATO would be created to counter the perceived Soviet threat. 4

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

, Egypt, Israel, Afghanistan and, more recently, Kosovo and Macedonia, clearly demonstrate. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces could overpower the Serbian army with its arsenal of weapons in 1999, but in 2000 and 2001 they were unable to contain the religious–ethnic UÇK irregulars’ acts of revenge against the Christian Serbs and Macedonians. In the traditional historical (not the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Evolution of the normative basis
Eşref Aksu

highly critical of NATO involvement in Bosnia; see V. Peresada, ‘Unprecedented NATO military action in Balkans’, Pravda (6 April 1993) reproduced in The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press , 45:14 (5 May 1993), 27. 63 See, for instance, the statement by D. Bennet, Jr., US Assistant Secretary

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The analytical framework
Eşref Aksu

endeavours to reconcile casual use of force with the traditional requirement of consent: see J. G. Ruggie, ‘The UN and the collective use of force: whither or whether?’, International Peacekeeping , 3:4 (Winter 1996), 9–10. 56 In Bosnia, for instance, NATO enforcement backed

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Israeli security experience as an international brand
Erella Grassiani

something that can strengthen a brand. However, I show that security and especially security experience and knowledge can be analysed as brands themselves, brands that help to sell specific knowledge and technology and that are strongly connected to a specific place. Another point that is brought up by these authors is the way that entities such as North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) or the European

in Security/ Mobility