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The Conservatives in crisis
Philip Lynch
and
Mark Garnett

general election After Labour’s 1997 landslide, the Conservatives had an electoral mountain to climb: they never, though, got much beyond the lower foothills. The party flatlined at around the 30 per cent mark in opinion polls for almost all the 1997–2001 period. Only during the fuel protests of autumn 2000 were they briefly ahead – and then because of government failings. They also failed to make any by-election gains, scored poorly in elections to the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly (but won seats), and ‘won’ the 1999 European parliamentary election with 35

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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The reception of Christianity not mysterious, 1696–1702
Justin Champion

’s hand’.17 Gailhard’s language was drenched in providential discourses which justified magisterial authority in restraint of the public exercise of reason in all conversation and books. He happily cited the magisterial example of the Scottish Parliament which had recently reinforced the 1661 statute against blasphemy, but also enacted further penalties against those ‘whosoever in Discourse or Writing shall deny, quarrel, argue or reason against the Being of a God, or any of the Persons of the blessed Trinity, or against the Authority of the Holy Scripture, or

in Republican learning
Philip Cowley
and
Mark Stuart

the Northern Ireland Assembly but not of any other UK legislature. It ended the prohibition against members of the Irish legislature – both the Dail and the Senate – from being a member of any legislature in the United Kingdom, including the House of Commons, the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly and the Northern Ireland Assembly. The Conservative frontbench stance was to abstain.19 Many Conservative MPs disagreed. Andrew Hunter spoke for many of his colleagues on the Conservative benches when he described the Bill as ‘just the latest obscene landmark in a

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Richard Kelly

Scottish Parliament and Welsh and Greater London Assemblies (elected under the Additional Member System of PR), selecting both constituency and regional candidates through meetings open to all members, and again avoiding the charge that senior candidates were guaranteed prime positions, a charge that dogged Labour’s Alun Michael in Wales. When selecting the mayoral candidate in Greater London, the party also conducted OMOV postal ballots open to all Greater London members, first selecting Lord Archer over Steve Norris and then, in a ‘replay’, Norris over Andrew Boff. On

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey K. Roberts
and
Patricia Hogwood

in 1983, a post he held until 1992. He became a strong supporter of the idea of a devolved Parliament for Scotland, campaigning in favour of devolution in the unsuccessful 1979 referendum, supporting the Scottish Constitutional Convention created in 1988 which investigated ways and means of bringing about a Scottish Parliament, and managing the campaign in 1997 which produced an overwhelming majority in a referendum

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Steven Fielding

be a fillip to Labour’s wider ambitions, for voters would never support a radical reduction of inequality if they believed government was run by a remote bureaucracy which did not have their interests at heart.66 The end of the 1960s saw the revisionist Mackintosh joined by others drawn from the party’s left, like the MP Alex Eadie and future MP Jim Sillars, who took a firm line against independence but who nonetheless endorsed the establishment of regional authorities.67 Yet even advocates of a devolved Scottish parliament accepted that prosperity depended on

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Open Access (free)
Rodney Barker

's Scottish Parliament building at Holyrood can rise above the spaces used by their elected representatives and peer down on them from above. The superiority of the citizen, whether or not achieved in practice, is nonetheless claimed, expressed, encouraged, cultivated, and enacted in architectural form. 4 Open government The identity-cultivating and identity-confirming function of architecture

in Cultivating political and public identity
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

of a yes vote? No, because this inclusion would have illegitimately pre-empted a possible future composition of an independent Scottish citizenry that was still to be decided depending on the outcome of the very same referendum. It was therefore right to stick to the current legislative demos for Scottish Parliament elections (Ziegler, Shaw and Bauböck 2014 ). Consider now as a contrasting case the Brexit referendum. Was it also right to use then the current

in Democratic inclusion