Kerry Longhurst

remain credible within the alliance an enhanced readiness to partake in collective actions to preserve peace within the framework of the UN Charter would have to be realised. This, he said, would require a re-orientation of the Bundeswehr to include also verfügbar (rapid reaction) forces. Again it was Volker Rühe’s VPR which provided a greater focus to these ideas by delineating force structure into rapid reaction, main defence and basic infrastructure–augmentation forces. Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 102 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 102 Germany and the

in Germany and the use of force
Eşref Aksu

, which they interpreted as ensuring the political independence and territorial integrity of the Congo, by whatever means necessary. In an unambiguous case of aggression, which was clearly within the purview of the UN Charter, the UN had only one course of action open to it – to impose international peace and security. To insist that ONUC should remain neutral and not intervene, the Soviet view implied

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

functional, were almost as new and inexperienced as the UN itself, with many of them established between the late 1940s and the early 1960s. 41 Non-governmental organisations had been present at the San Fransisco Conference as consultants of national delegations, with American NGOs, in particular, instrumental in defining Article 71 of the UN Charter. 42 The

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

fifty years of Germany’s occupation (e.g. Rep 10/87). A prime example of the international anti-German climate is the so-called ‘enemy state clause’, articles 53 and 107 of the United Nations (UN) charter, which according to the REP holds that the allied forces may still decide on the destiny of Germany. 14 This was also the title of a book by Manfred Ritter, former CSU member and long-term state prosecutor, to which the paper devoted a series of articles over several issues. chap2 28/5/02 13.31 48 Page 48 Germany The supposed alliance of the Western Allies

in The ideology of the extreme right
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

Kosovo. 4 This resolution invoked Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, which provides for ‘action with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression’. The invocation of Chapter 7 was regarded in some important quarters at NATO as opening the door to potential military enforcement action if the arms embargo did not prove sufficient. The Russian government supported Resolution 1160. According

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Dominant approaches
M. Anne Brown

). The UN charters indeed represent significant achievements and have acquired the status of customary international law. They can indeed work as a starting-point for certain discussions. And it might even be true that the international rhetoric of rights represents ‘an implicit, submerged, or deflected expression of a sense of moral interdependence’ (Donnelly, 1989: 617). But this is a long way from the assertion that universality of standards has been achieved. What does such a degree of apparent self-confidence reflect? ‘Universality’ is here based on an appeal to a

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

accordance with international law. As Kissinger convincingly argued: American influence had helped to confine the recognition of borders to an obligation not to change them by force, which was a mere duplication of the UN Charter. Since no European country had the capacity to bring about a forcible change or a policy to that effect, the formal renunciation was hardly a Soviet gain. Even this limited recognition of legitimacy was vitiated by a statement of principles which preceded it ... It declared that the signatory states consider that their frontiers can be changed, in

in A strained partnership?
The evolving European security architecture
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

attracted attention before the Washington Summit was ‘the mandate question’ – i.e., whether NATO can take military action in non-self-defence situations, without the authorisation of the UN Security Council, as it did over Kosovo. The issue of the appropriate mandate did not arise until October 1998, when NATO threatened to use air power in Kosovo. In Bosnia, NATO entered by invitation. An Art. 5 mission would be covered by Art. 51 of the UN Charter, which provides: Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

This section provides, in the style of a dictionary, details of the political careers of significant West European politicians, especially those who have been head of their country’s government or head of state.

in The politics today companion to West European Politics