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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

? 2 Are ideologies developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of any value in the twenty-first? 3 ‘While ideology shaped the twentieth century, we have now come to the end of ideology.’ Do you think this is true, and if so is it a cause for rejoicing? 4 Why do you think ‘ideological’ is seen as such a term of abuse in modern Western democracies? 5 To what extent would you agree

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

because of its willingness to adapt to social change – and even initiate it. Its pragmatism, lack of ideological constraints and an ability to tap into deep-seated strains of popular emotion and beliefs have ensured its importance in Western democracies as a major political force. British conservatism has been the most successful of the species, both in terms of mobilising support for electoral victories and adapting to social

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

identified as the new revolutionaries. repressive tolerance A term coined by Herbert Marcuse in the 1960s to describe the way in which Western democracies contained and manipulated dissent, thus preserving the power of the privileged. More conventional leftist politics, at least in Britain, was conducted by a new plethora of small, quarrelsome groups such

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Sharon Weinblum

Western Democracies: Statecraft, Desire and the Politics of Exclusion , London: Routledge. Drori-Avraham, A., S. Rozen and N. Avigal, 2015. ‘Where there is no Free Will. Israel’s ‘Voluntary Return’ Procedure for Asylum-seekers’. Hotline for Refugees and Migrants and ASSAF Report. Available at http://hotline.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/free-will-web-.pdf (accessed 5 September 2015

in Security/ Mobility
Phil Williams

steganography (messages hidden in digital images) or more simply the use of encrypted emails. In addition, both criminals and terrorists have used global diasporas and transnational ethnic networks as cover and recruitment for their activities. As a result, combating criminal and terrorist activity has become very difficult without impeding the rapid flows of money, goods and services on which modern commerce and finance depend; and without violating the civil liberties which are the hallmark of western democracies and facilitate the efficiency of the market. Although the

in Limiting institutions?
Jonathan Wolff

that a large proportion of people in Western societies were, and perhaps still are, revolted by the idea of homosexuality, and this had been encoded in various repressive laws. Toleration takes the form, first, of nonenforcement of law, and then repeal. Yet, as Mill and Marx both point out, the law can be tolerant without society being so, and discrimination continues to take many unofficial and indirect forms. Nevertheless, the situation is largely such that Western democracies have accepted the obligation of trying to work out ways in which gay people can be

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

several chapters in this volume suggest, the place and ideology of political parties within the state system can either promote or hinder gender mainstreaming. A monopoly of state power poses difficult questions for gender equality. On the one hand, as Jezerska points out in chapter 8, ‘In a political sense, the women were officially equal with men under the communist system. For example, “the greatest number of women in the unicameral parliament [in Poland] under the communist regime was 23 per cent in 1980–1985, far higher than in many Western democracies” ’ (p. 171

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Towards a contemporary aesthetic
Jonathan Dollimore

Western democracies, a confident humanism has given way to an ethic of multiculturalism; for sure, an assumption of underlying similarities is not entirely absent, but it is subordinate to a cautious embrace of cultural difference. Which is why Britain’s prime minister, as he commuted the world in October 2001 shoring up support for the coalition against terrorism, allowed it to be known that, as he travelled, he read translations of the Koran. What has become truly supranational is, of course, the very capitalism which Hesse and others saw as humanism’s enemy. At one

in The new aestheticism
Jacopo Pili

December 1939, a report from Ascoli Piceno described the popular feeling about Britain as ‘more or less unanimous,’ that is, that it was the ‘fomenter of discord among the peoples.’39 There was a class divide, as well. The ‘bourgeoisie’ (a label under which Mussolini lumped all the middle and upper-middle classes, which, he felt, did not share his goal of anthropological transformation of the Italian people) more often than others feared the war, or even hoped that Italy could reconcile with the Western democracies.40 An OVRA report stated that in Milanese commercial and

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Open Access (free)
Amikam Nachmani

to come to blows, a puzzling state of affairs. A secular, pro-Western democracy, representing everything Iran despises, Ankara was positive that Tehran sought to export the revolution to Turkey. Ankara knew that it would be an extraordinary coup for the revolution should Iran manage successfully to subvert Turkey, a key Muslim state, a symbol of profane worldly rule, as well as a strategic and ideological adversary. Regularly and violently, Iran raged against the Turkish secular state, against Turkish democracy, and against Turkey’s blind

in Turkey: facing a new millennium