liberal about a majority of humanitarian practitioners, we can define it as a commitment to three things: the equal moral worth of all human lives (i.e. non-discrimination on principle), the moral priority of the claims of individuals over the authority claims of any collective entity – from nations to churches to classes to families – and a belief that as a moral commitment (one that transcends any sociological or political boundary) there is a just and legitimate reason to intervene in any and all circumstances where human beings suffer (even if
supports a section of the political class. This has historically been the case for Sudan’s political elite, where commercial agriculture has generated profits for a capitalist class that used it to control state power. In turn, the marketisation of politics increased the incentives for the hyper-exploitative character of that sector as the political class sought to exploit a precarious labour pool (along with other measures such as manipulation of
centuries of violence upon non-white populations in the name of the ‘enlightened spirit’, it would also be reworked into more racially sensitive and objective ways 6 . As liberal replaced race with culture and class with entitlement, so the advent of a globally ambitious claim to govern all planetary life could overcome all claims to sovereign integrity by appealing directly to the notion that underdevelopment was dangerous. While violence was therefore complex, since complex systems were less about linear root causes and more about states of dynamic connection and
). ODI ( 2010 ), ‘ The Humanitarian Innovation Fund: Catalysing Improvements in Disaster Response’ , www.odi.org/news/389-humanitarian-innovation-fund (accessed 14 September 2018) . Ong , J. C. and Combinido , P. ( 2018 ), ‘ Local Aid Workers in the Digital Humanitarian Project: Between “Second Class
series on the history of the Red Cross, together with the headquarters of the German Red Cross. Another thing we do is to organize tours to historic places like Solferino, Castiglione, Heiden, or Geneva. This is a really popular and successful program, I’d say. What we are still trying to develop is a line of cooperation with local schools. Students do come in occasionally for project work and we do cooperate with schools within a format called school medical service days, but we get few visits from school classes. So that’s something we may be working on. Finally I
sexualities, gender identities, and gender expressions, and differentiations along lines of class, race, ethnicity, caste, nationality and ability, among others. To provide services to ‘men’ or ‘men and boys’ as if they were a monolithic category would be to repeat the mistakes that are often made in the provision of ‘women-friendly’ services, which in practice are often ‘straight and cisgender women-friendly’ ( Jolly, 2011 ; e.g. see Chynoweth, 2019b : 63). Trans women, trans
reproduces (neo-)colonial stereotypes and their harms but also invisibilises risks emanating from others (including colleagues) and the particular risks faced by women, those with diverse SOGIESC and racialised staff, as well as along axes of disability, socio-economic class and age, which we have not been able to cover here. While data on aid security has advanced rapidly in the last two decades, troubling gaps remain and are often filled by assumptions that may not reflect aid
have supported rhetoric of hordes, deluges, and waves that assumed disruption, chaos, and fear – and aggression, signified by the crowds of males. Refugees were an unexpected consequence of the war and had emerged as a ‘liminal figure who threatened social stability partly by virtue of the sheer number of displaced persons, but also because the refugee was difficult to accommodate within conventional classification such as assigned people to a specific social class’ ( Gatrell, 2014 ). Having fled violence or persecution, refugees were not the same as immigrants who
understand gender norms, instead of ‘change’, because this brings a clearer focus on intersecting power hierarchies and avoids dehistoricised analysis. Second, recognise heterogeneity within gender norms. ‘Women’ and ‘men’ are not uniform categories, but an intersectional approach recognises how age, education level, family upbringing, geographical location, class and other factors shape norms. Third, take time to understand gender, resisting fast and ‘rapid’ approaches and
humanitarians John Foster, Hunter McGill, and Ted Itani, who shared experiences and contacts. The article is dedicated to the memory of Mr Itani, who passed away in March 2021. Works Cited Béaud , S. and Noiriel , G. ( 2021 ), ‘ Un militantisme qui divise les classes populaires : impasses des politiques identitaires ’, Le monde diplomatique , January , 3 . Canadian Red Cross ( n.d. ), Digital History Project , www.redcross.ca/history/about-the-project (accessed 8 January 2021 ). Canadian Red Cross ( 2012