Peter D.G. Thomas

Chap 1 19/8/02 11:41 am Page 1 1 The parameters of politics Britain has never had a written constitution. The closest approximation was the Revolution Settlement of William III’s reign, as embodied especially in the 1689 Bill of Rights and the 1701 Act of Settlement. But the provisions were essentially negative, stipulating what the monarch could not do. The sovereign could not override the law of the land, and, in practice, for financial and other reasons, could not govern without an annual meeting of Parliament. By ‘the Revolution’, as it was denoted in

in George III
Open Access (free)
One way to Europeanisation
Maria João Seabra

, UGT) has traditionally been more supportive of the European Union than the Portuguese Workers’ Confederation (Confederação Geral dos Trabalhadores, CGTP). Constitutional changes The participation in European integration has forced several changes in the Portuguese Constitution.3 Drafted in the aftermath of the revolution, the 1976 text was the result of the political and economic upheavals that characterised the Portuguese transition and that were incompatible with full membership of the European Communities. The first revision took place in 1982 and settled the

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

carefully crafted both a narrative and political infrastructure that draws upon an array of different mechanisms of control to regulate life. While religion, ideology and tribal loyalties have been moulded to meet domestic and regional needs, ruling elites have also created formal structures with the aim of ensuring the survival of the regime. Constitutions have been designed to draw upon cultural reserves to ensure that regimes are often taken to be representative of states, while opponents are often marginalised. They are imbued with a range of mechanisms to help

in Houses built on sand
Communism, post-Communism, and the war in Croatia
David Bruce MacDonald

generally supported the Communist regime in Yugoslavia. Certainly, the execution of Draža Mihailović, the purges of Četnik sympathisers, the decentralising 1974 constitution, and other anti-Serbian aspects of the regime raised troubling questions about Serbia’s place in the SFRY. Nevertheless, while Tito was alive, there seemed to be a high level of support for the regime and its policies. An obvious example of this was the 1969 election, when Serbs were offered the choice between reformers and hard-line candidates. While the rest of the country chose reform

in Balkan holocausts?
Open Access (free)
Naomi Chambers
Jeremy Taylor

Chapter summary In Chapter 1 we introduced Osler's injunction – “Just listen to your patient, he is telling you the diagnosis”. In this conclusion we examine how far Osler is heeded in today's NHS. We assess the value of gathering stories in this way as a contribution to truly listening to patients and their families. We reflect on the extent to which the spirit of the NHS Constitution is being upheld. From the stories we identify five dimensions of care which is organised around patients: kindness

in Organising care around patients
Matthew S. Weinert

) recognition into a question and ask not only ‘ what is recognition? ’ but also ‘ how is recognition produced if it is not automatically extended to the other? ’ Answering such questions foregrounds the political and institutional translation of basic forms of human sociality in the constitution of world society, with profound implications for a globalizing international relations

in Recognition and Global Politics
Reflections on Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Alessandro Ferrara

of lawmaking and violence. In a passage quoted by Menke, Benjamin clarifies the twofold function of violence in lawmaking: on the one hand “lawmaking pursues as its end, with violence as the means, what is to be established as law”;10 on the other hand, what gets so established is “not an end unalloyed by violence, but one necessarily and intimately bound to it, under the title of power.” Thus, Benjamin concludes, “lawmaking is power making, and, to that extent, an immediate manifestation of violence.”11 This is the mythical constitution of power under the guise of

in Law and violence
Arthur B. Gunlicks

chap 6 27/5/03 11:55 am Page 212 6 The German Land parliaments (Landtage) Historical development In the Kaiserreich of 1871–1918, the Constitution gave the central government only a brief catalogue of powers, with all other powers reserved for the states; however, the central state also had concurrent powers and implied powers. Over time the national government assumed more powers through constitutional changes and legislation which also had to be passed by a second chamber, the Bundesrat, that represented the mostly monarchical governments in the states

in The Länder and German federalism
Open Access (free)
Time and space
Saurabh Dube

Assemblage of 1877, held to proclaim Queen Victoria the Empress of India, where he explores the logics and forms of Indian society precisely as he elaborates the cultural constitution and historical transformation of rituals and symbols of colonial authority and imperial power. 22 Yet, it is also the case that Cohn came to increasingly recognize colonial cultures of rule as fundamentally restructuring

in Subjects of modernity
Core historical concepts reconsidered
Adrian Zimmermann

democratic constitution. Space does not allow an analysis of reformminded forces in the nations formerly dominated by communist parties (e.g. the Yugoslav system of self-management; the council movement in the Hungarian uprising of 1956; or the reforms during the ‘Prague Spring’) or initiatives in the developing world. Instead, the chapter focuses on those developments that were most influential in the capitalist West: first, guild socialism in Britain and the combination of the council movement and socialisation in Germany and Austria after the First World War; second

in In search of social democracy