all EC treaty provisions containing procedural specifications (see
Figures 2.3 and 2.4), nearly 25 per cent of the European Commission’s
initiatives submitted to both the Council and the Parliament up to
December 1998 fell under this procedure.72 This is not only the result of
an EP-friendly attitude but is also due to the fact that these provisions are
mainly ruled by QMV (except for culturalpolicy and research policy
programmes). The demand for this kind of legislation was thus much
The European Union matters
proposed by Diana Taylor, La Machine attempts to present itself as the
inheritor of industrial savoir-faire passed down directly from the Nantes
shipbuilding industry. When these attempts succeed, La Machine is
able to justify its presence in the repurposed metal fabrication shops.
When they fail, La Machine’s workshop is vilified in letters to the local
paper as a force of gentrification and a tourist trap, and by extension
Nantes’ culturalpolicy priorities are called into question. In the first
half of this chapter I demonstrated the built, discursive, and embodied
further issue of
why the content of EU sports policy has been dominated by the development
of sport law? The short answer is that sports law has emerged as a tactic to
enable the EU’s competing policy has objectives for sport to co-exist. In the
absence of guiding legislation, sports law provides stability and the necessary legal certainty for the EU to continue to pursue a regulatory interest in
sport without undermining its socio-culturalpolicy objectives for sport. It is
argued below that policy analysis can be employed as a tool for theoretically
122 Hamid Dabashi, The Arab Spring: The End of Postcolonialism (London: Zed
123 Hakki Tas, ‘Street Arts of Resistance in Tahrir and Gezi’, Middle Eastern Studies, 53:5
124 Ibid., pp. 802–6.
125 Tripp, The Power and the People.
126 Sadiki, Routledge Handbook of the Arab Spring, p. 4.
127 Judith Butler, Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street (EIPCP, European
Institute for Progressive CulturalPolicies, 2011).
128 Charlotte Schriwer, ‘Graffiti Arts and the Arab Spring’, in Sadiki, Routledge Handbook
of the Arab
its revolutionary development’8 – that is, to visualise the state’s
promises by depicting recognisable life forms in the desired manner.
Formally, socialist realism remained the only permitted artistic method
until perestroika. However, with the changes in culturalpolicies after
Stalin, including the rise of decorative art and the emergence of the design
profession, the notion of socialist realism could not remain the same. To
fulfil the modern socialist material culture, the notion of socialist realism
had to be updated. What follows is an overview of theoretical
artist did not want a middle-class status – officially
still non-existent in Soviet society – but rather yearned to enter the intelligentsia and take part in its traditional role as an educated sub-community
cultivating critical attitudes in society. While not openly criticising the
Soviet system and not taking the dissident path, decorative artists in the
Brezhnev era navigated the muddy waters of late socialist culturalpolicy
in order to make a difference in Soviet aesthetics and consumer culture
through their mastery of materials. They attempted to make their
universities (for example in Mainz and Saarbrücken)
and to pursue active culturalpolicies.8
At the same time, the will of the allies to change the German
educational system was only one side of the matter. These brief but
important years also saw ongoing intellectual reflection concerning
the idea of the university. One central question which engaged
6 Dolf Sternberger, ‘Nachbemerkung’, in Karl Jaspers & Fritz Ernst, Vom
lebendigen Geist der Universität und vom Studieren: Zwei Vorträge (Heidelberg,
1946), p. 63.
7 Corine Defrance, Les Alliés occidentaux et les universités
, norms and
standards, social and culturalpolicies or civil rights, or the extension of
harmonisation to new areas of policy. Euro-sceptics challenge the economic,
political and social assumptions made by those who favour greater
integration, especially with regard to the effects this would have on
national economies. However, euro-sceptics do not support British withdrawal
from the EU.