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Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
Michael Mastanduno

The rules put forth by the TPP reflected both US economic interests and America’s preferred approach to trade liberalisation. Since the formation of the WTO in the early 1990s, the United States has pushed for “behind the border” liberalisation, going beyond tariffs to cover restrictions embedded in domestic political economies including in the areas of services, intellectual property, investment, rules of origin, state-owned enterprises, and government procurement. The TPP, as a “high standard” trade agreement, also established strong labour and environmental

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Elana Wilson Rowe

transboundary pollutants; and opening up new areas for cooperation, such as the recent Central Arctic Ocean fisheries treaty. The continued engagement of the United States and Russia in regional politics as both active and ‘resting’ great powers is, in other words, essential for maintaining and expanding cooperation. Global politics today is marked by enduring, seemingly unresolvable strife and suffering in regional wars and proxy wars; a growing preoccupation with putting domestic politics ‘first’; and a populist backlash against expert knowledge, including against the

in Arctic governance
Andrew Monaghan

debate since 2004; and apparently unconscious, in that they repeated almost verbatim the debate that had taken place about the possibility of a Colour Revolution in Russia and Putin being forced from power in 2005. 6 Taken together, therefore, the mainstream debate about Russian domestic politics has often complemented the view about Russia being a member of the Western family of nations discussed in

in The new politics of Russia
Open Access (free)
Peter Burnell

parts grope towards deciding what kind of 252 DEMOCRATIZATION THROUGH THE LOOKING-GLASS political entity the EU should become and whether, or how, it could be made more democratic. The potential for ordinary people to influence through political processes the economic vectors that can make so much difference to their daily lives emerges as a central topic that seems ripe for further study (the key question being not what political economy perspectives might have to offer but whether it is any longer meaningful to isolate for purpose of analysis the purely domestic

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Amikam Nachmani

domestic politics; Turkey’s questionable human rights and freedom of expression records; its maltreatment of the Kurdish minority; and longstanding allegations about Turkey’s role – including government officials – in drug smuggling into Europe and the United States (“The multibillion Turkish ‘drug economy’”). 5 How reliable our friends in Washington really are, was something that the Turks often wondered. The rise of America’s anti-aid body, which sees the end of the cold war as a reason for cutting aid to Turkey, was another warning. It signaled to Ankara that a new

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Jonathan Colman

derived less from a real concern about possible American rashness than domestic political considerations, given Labour’s thin majority in the Commons and the corresponding need to maintain Party unity. Bruce noted the intense ‘restiveness here, especially in the House of Commons, over the British Government not seeming to play a more active part in trying to induce negotiations over Vietnam’. 25 Wilson, said Bruce, was ‘under

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

domestic political scene; i.e., his “peacemaking” efforts are pointed primarily at maintaining ascendancy over his political opponents within and without his own party’. 71 A State Department analysis also attributed questionable motives to the British: they were eager ‘to participate with maximum personal visibility in bringing peace to Vietnam – in early February alone Wilson proposed travelling personally both to Washington and

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
The United States in the Asia and Indo-Pacifics
Inderjeet Parmar

informative, detailed empirical analysis in one volume of this globally strategic region’s institutions’ and states’ relations with the world’s sole superpower. In Chapter 1 , Turner emphasises that just as the Trump administration emerged from deep roots and developments of US domestic politics, culture and society, let alone America’s global hegemony, so the country’s relationship with Asia is steeped in its history and culture. This is especially true given the frequent and often violent intrusions of Western colonial empires – British, French, Dutch, Spanish

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

domestic political orders and economic agendas of states to joint decision-making, as well as to coalition-formation in the Council. Moravcsik argues that Community institutions, which are generally taken as highly reactive agents operating within a ‘passive structure’, strengthen the power of national governments in two important respects: ‘they increase the efficiency of interstate bargaining’, often by acting as ‘facilitators of positive-sum governing’, and they ‘strengthen the autonomy of national political leaders vis-à-vis particularistic societal groups within

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Natural resources and development – which histories matter?
Mick Moore

in Africa is certainly driven by rents, including the political privileges that they can buy and the political competition and conflicts that they generate. It is not clear however, at least from the perspective of policy implications, that it is a story about property rights and institutions, alone; it is also a story in which such ‘property rights’ and ‘institutions’ are a product of privileges granted exclusively to those international firms able to wield sufficient domestic political influence. As such, historical scholarship can help illuminate the conditions

in History, historians and development policy