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Amikam Nachmani

domestic politics; Turkey’s questionable human rights and freedom of expression records; its maltreatment of the Kurdish minority; and longstanding allegations about Turkey’s role – including government officials – in drug smuggling into Europe and the United States (“The multibillion Turkish ‘drug economy’”). 5 How reliable our friends in Washington really are, was something that the Turks often wondered. The rise of America’s anti-aid body, which sees the end of the cold war as a reason for cutting aid to Turkey, was another warning. It signaled to Ankara that a new

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

domestic political orders and economic agendas of states to joint decision-making, as well as to coalition-formation in the Council. Moravcsik argues that Community institutions, which are generally taken as highly reactive agents operating within a ‘passive structure’, strengthen the power of national governments in two important respects: ‘they increase the efficiency of interstate bargaining’, often by acting as ‘facilitators of positive-sum governing’, and they ‘strengthen the autonomy of national political leaders vis-à-vis particularistic societal groups within

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Arthur B. Gunlicks

.41 It is worth noting that the “Law Regarding the Cooperation of the Federation and Länder in Matters Concerning the EU of March 1993” provides that a two-thirds majority in the Bundesrat can force the federal government to accept its position in case of conflict on a matter covered by Article 23, para. 5, of the Basic Law. This, of course, underlines the view that European policy is no longer foreign policy but a form of domestic politics.42 A serious problem for the Bundesrat and Länder in actually being able to take advantage of their new rights concerning the

in The Länder and German federalism
Open Access (free)
Deciphering power in Russia
Andrew Monaghan

lead a new department on relations with non-systemic opposition (led by Anisimov), and was subsequently moved to oversee regional politics before replacing Oleg Morozov as head of the domestic politics in March 2015. Voronova’s rise illustrates again the emergence of a younger generation to influential positions. Maxim Rudnev, born in 1987, was appointed director of the central executive committee of United Russia in September

in The new politics of Russia
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

Republic to approach rearmament in a way that would clearly limit the size and remit of the Bundeswehr. Berger’s mobilisation of political–military culture is accompanied by an elaborate conceptualisation of how this culture impacts on behaviour. He seeks to avoid the problems of tautology and to this end sees that a political–military culture influences policy in a number of ways: by supplying the goals and norms of political actors; by determining how actors perceive the domestic political environment; by influencing actor’s assessments of the international environment

in Germany and the use of force
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

community. By this I mean the explicit recognition that today more than ever before we are mutually dependent, that national interest is to a significant extent governed by international collaboration and that we need a clear and coherent debate as to the direction this doctrine takes us in each field of international endeavour. Just as within domestic politics, the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
John Narayan

manage the international effects of the Great Society (LW15: 204). As such, Dewey declared that:  … the responsibility now placed upon us is that of creating the intellectual and moral attitudes that will support institutions, international and domestic, political, educational and cultural, that correspond to the physical revolution which has taken place; and whose consequences are so largely negative just because of the absence of corresponding institutional change. (LW17: 456)9 This fact became all the more poignant in the light of the unprecedented destructiveness

in John Dewey
Open Access (free)
Francisco E. González and Desmond King

11 September 2001, to the tradition begun with Woodrow Wilson in 1917 of articulating a distinct global role for the United States, one rooted in the beliefs valued in domestic politics. The cornerstone of the Bush administration’s approach is a war against global terrorism and the states that support terrorist activity. Bush has specified an ‘axis of evil’ aligned aggressively against Western democracy. On 20 September 2001 he told Congress that every country fell into one of two camps: ‘either you are with us [the US] or you are with the terrorist’. Citing values

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Roger Southall

concerns dealt principally with voter choice (overwhelmingly, the extent to which choice was based upon ethnicity), voter turnout (notably whether regime restrictions on political competition increased voter dissatisfaction or political alienation), and political participation (the role of elections in legitimating regimes and/or entrenching their domestic political control). These issues still retained some prominence, but in the 1990s analysts became more concerned to locate elections in the context of contemporary ‘transition theory’ – in turn heavily influenced by O

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Between international relations and European studies
Ben Tonra and Thomas Christiansen

to make theoretical claims from analyses of either CFSP or its predecessor EPC have employed domestic politics models (Bulmer 1983 ; Holland 1987 ). In sum, the field of study in EPC/CFSP has been dominated by empirical accounts of decision-making, policy-making and regional or issue-based case studies. Only infrequently are such accounts grounded in an explicit theoretical framework and even then such analyses are, more often

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy