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Open Access (free)
John Callaghan, Nina Fishman, Ben Jackson, and Martin Mcivor

surprisingly durable, particularly in France and Germany. In the final chapter of Part I, Noel Thompson examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy during the 1980s. Thompson focuses on the debate about economic strategy on the British left and traces how social democratic politicians and economists responded to the dethroning of Keynesianism by neo-liberalism as the dominant model of economic policy-making. Thompson argues that this period sees the defeat of a distinctively social democratic economic strategy in Britain, since it was ultimately rendered

in In search of social democracy
Interpreting the unions–party link
Steve Ludlam

appeared as chapters in more general works on trade unionism, economic policy and the Labour Party, and in biographical studies and memoirs, and it is probably from these scattered sources that students have mostly learned about the contentious alliance. This wider literature does, though, contain the perspectives of two distinct schools of thought: the liberal–social democratic pluralist perspective; and the perspective of socialist and Marxist writers. This chapter seeks to outline key features of the two perspectives and indicates some limitations to which they are

in Interpreting the Labour Party

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

Peter Dorey

seemed unwilling to grant the Conservatives much credit or gratitude for this renewed prosperity. Indeed, there seemed to be a tacit view amongst many voters that if the British economy was now booming, it was in spite of, not because of, the Major government’s economic policies. Furthermore, the sense of economic well-being actually seemed to have made more voters willing to risk voting Labour (whereas in previous elections, when the economic situation was often rather poor, much of the electorate was inclined to ‘cling to nurse, for fear of something worse

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Shaun Breslin

contexts that are not applicable to Asia. This understanding is also reflected in other realms of politics – for example, a rejection of the neo-liberal ‘Western’ economic policies as embodied in the policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Word Trade Organization (WTO), and a rejection by some of the post-industrialized and seemingly unfair environmental strategies pursued by many Western states. This rejectionist stance is perhaps best embodied by attempts to create a cognitive understanding of a region called ‘East Asia’. This understanding is largely

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Robert Andersen and Jocelyn A. J. Evans

number of elements to the FN’s electoral and ideological profile do not conform to the traditional left–right map (Perrineau, 1997: 208–26, Mayer, 1999: 214–22). In particular, recent shifts in economic policy and the presence of a large number of working-class voters in the extreme-right electorate have suggested that the party no longer sits comfortably on the margins of the right.3 Some have seen this as simply the manifestation of a protest movement with a pragmatic, reactive approach to economic policy or a populist party drawing support from all parts of the

in The French party system
Kevin Hickson

sections of society and the transfer of power discussed above had created a more efficient economic system; full employment was by the 1950s well established and accepted as the principal aim of economic policy by both of the major parties. The fourth aim of promoting cooperation and a stronger sense of community Crosland said that he fully supported but not at the expense of personal liberty and indeed felt that this would not be a particularly significant objective for socialists at that stage since there was in any case a stronger sense of community than had existed

in In search of social democracy
Arthur B. Gunlicks

policies have preempted certain Land powers. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) has said the EC/EU has no powers in the field of education, but it has used its jurisdiction over economic policy to promote worker mobility. “Mobility” includes mutual recognition of standards and certification in vocational and professional training. Thus, the ERASMUS and LINGUA programs that provide scholarships for students in EC/EU member states to study in other member states require mutual chap 11 27/5/03 362 12:03 pm Page 362 The Länder and German federalism recognition of

in The Länder and German federalism
Thomas Robb

, the cut of £1 billion in Britain’s PSBR was still deemed insufficient to rectify Britain’s economic problems.18 As Simon and Burns reminded Healey, if this type of thinking won through, there would be little chance of market confidence in sterling returning until radically different economic policies were pursued by the British government.19 Given all of this, Sir Kenneth Berrill, the head of the Central Policy Review Staff, was surely correct when he warned Callaghan that Britain would likely meet a frosty response from Simon and Burns at the upcoming international

in A strained partnership?
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

distant future (e.g. De Man 1991). 10 This argument seems to apply only to political refugees from non-European countries, as the party had always been extremely sympathetic towards refugees from (European) communist regimes; referring to them as ‘driftwood of collapsing political systems, of which they bear no guilt’ (VLB 5/91). chap4 28/5/02 13.32 104 Page 104 Flanders Socio-economic policy One of the few topics on which the VB expresses a somewhat ambiguous position is socio-economic policy. Whereas the party paper, and to a lesser extent the election

in The ideology of the extreme right