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Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

powers. What seemed ‘internal’ conflicts to the old colonialists (meaning internal to their colonial empires, as in Algeria or Rhodesia) were considered ‘international’ by the superpowers (meaning that the other superpower might intrude into that conflict at any moment). In this sense, the UN’s response to intra-state conflicts could not but reflect an overwhelming preoccupation with international

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Cinema, news media and perception management of the Gaza conflicts
Shohini Chaudhuri

”: Israel’s Crumbling Media War’, 23 July 2014, http://deepakumar.net/empire-bytes/telegenically-dead-israels-crumbling-media-war/. Accessed 10 September 2016. 18 J. Snow, ‘The Children of Gaza’, 27 July 2014, www.channel4.com/news/the-children-of-gaza-jon-snow-video. Accessed 10 September 2016

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Laura Suski

globalized capital, which systematically bear less frequent mention in narratives of toxicity than the cautionary warnings from the seat of US empire.’ 52 Chen’s analysis encourages us to think carefully about the dangers of parenting narratives of protection, as such narratives can easily extend into nationalist narratives. Moreover, against the history of colonialism and empire, the global South becomes a

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Raymond Hinnebusch

tribes, peoples, notably the Arabs, lacked the defined sense of territorial identity and attachment to the land associated with peasant societies. The important exceptions, those societies with substantial peasantries – Turkey, Iran and Egypt – are those where contemporary states most closely approximate national states. Aggravating the situation was the way the contemporary states system was imposed at the expense of a pre-existing cultural unity deriving from centuries of rule by extensive empires ruling in the name of the Islamic umma . Where

in The international politics of the Middle East
America and Trump in the Asia Pacific
Ketan Patel and Christian Hansmeyer

its own growing sphere of influence across East Asia, Southeast Asia and Central Asia. Moreover, with the United States relinquishing leadership of and even undermining key multilateral institutions, China can become the unimpeded “rule-setter” in the region and increasingly the rest of the world. Just as the United Kingdom, exhausted by war and the cost of its colonial empire, handed over the reins of power to a brash and energetic upstart America, so would the United States, exhausted by its leadership of the “free world”, pass the reins to a brash and energetic

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
David P. Calleo

Europeans for lacking interest in Asia. It was also rather indelicate, given America’s fervent enthusiasm for ‘decolonisation’ after World War II – that is to say, for the ejection of the Europeans from their old empires. Many Europeans, mindful of this history, watched the American discomfiture in Vietnam with more than a touch of Schadenfreude. In any event, European states were not uninterested in Asia; they simply had few cards to play there. The geopolitical hands dealt at the end of World War II left Europe devastated and truncated, menaced by a huge Soviet military

in Limiting institutions?
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

the twentieth century, the European system has ceased to be ‘European’ – the great powers are no longer solely European in the cultural or geographical sense. The end of the Cold War eradicated the cordon sanitaire provided by the Soviet empire that largely protected the prosperous western half of Europe from the dysfunctional social, ideological or religious, political and economic systems of Eurasia. Paradoxically, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet

in Limiting institutions?
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

main challenges to the bellicist account is its Eurocentric narrative, which has an ethical and a methodological dimension. The experience of African state formation has particular specificities marked by the experience of slavery and colonisation. As Makau Mutua notes (2001), this experience configures different a state–subjects relation to that of Western states, which is based on struggles embedded in the processes of industrialisation and the rise of the bourgeoisie. The bellicist account’s ‘elision of empire’ has been the target of critiques (Carvalho, Leira and

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

divisions created by the Belgians were imposed, generating resistance and conflict not only towards the Belgians but also towards those seen as their allies (Kankwenda 2005: 282–4). Pre-existing identities were not fixed. They had as much to do with parental ties and birth locations as with different social networks such as religious, mystical, political and economic. These changed simultaneously, depending on whether or not they had been subjected to a kingdom or an empire (e.g., Rwanda and Buganda kingdoms or the Kongo, Luba and Lunda empires) and whether or not they

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Eşref Aksu

at stake and the normative preferences that accompanied them. The chapter will conclude by examining the implications of this ambiguity for the ensuing normative synthesis. Historical background Cyprus, the home of a Hellenic civilisation, became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1571. The island came under British rule in 1878. During the decolonisation decade, the trilateral

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change