The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio
of the state seemed limited to a short-term and deferential approach to finance
capital and to the informal practices of employers (Banyuls and Recio, 2009).
The state was also relatively inegalitarian in terms of labour market policies and
inclusiveness for a long period of time – committed to a highly gendered and
hierarchically paternalist view of work and the role of women (Lopez and Santos
del Cerro, 2013).
Yet the first decade or so of the post-Francoist years saw the development
of a system of formal collective and individualrights which underpinned
individualrights. It is also a space in which time is embedded in geographical practice (as Schwanen and Nixon discuss in Chapter 4 ). Public health systems always balance what is plausible in the immediate present with what might be possible in the near and distant future. These sorts of trade-off and the instabilities of complex systems are as true in cities of the global south as they are in the global north. In this sense health features prominently in ‘development policy’ in the cities of the global south that constitute an increasingly significant proportion of
direction a more rights-orientated public law will lead to. There
are some words of caution. While conceding, as everyone
must, that human rights are intrinsic to a democratic system, there is room for consideration of the boundaries of
judicial power as a custodian of rights. What degree of
self-regulation should be exercised by judges when they are
granted such overarching powers? How should decisionmakers be advised to achieve good decisions when individualrights may serve to inhibit risk-taking and the
development of sound long-term strategies?
The substance of the
hand. The tension within
liberal democracy – of individualrights embedded in a socioeconomic context of unequal access to resources – continues to haunt throughout all the debates on entitlements.
Newly democratizing nations and old democracies both are
sites for the struggles for the democratization of politics.
Finally, we also need to emphasize the importance of comparative work so that women can view, analyse and perhaps
use strategies for enhancing women’s participation in politics across the boundaries of nation-states. The debates on
citizenship – in the
ideologies competed to win dominance
Another characteristic of standard accounts of the United
States’ political development to liberal democracy is their
teleological form (Gerstle 2001). In this view, the United
States shifted from a condition of imperfect individualism,
the imperfections commonly reflecting discrimination
against individuals because of their association with certain groups, to one of formal equality of individualrights,
and in some accounts to multiculturalism. This influential
version of the transformative narrative
past community that obscured elaboration of a clear ideology or political project, so acting to the detriment of universal and individualrights,
a process in which women were the greatest losers.26
The dynamics of this failure can be most clearly traced through the
post-independence blockage of reform of the marriage and family laws.
The failure to carry out reform of the personal status law
Some feminists have argued that to centre on legal reform and individualrights is to impose a western model that may obscure, as ‘declension
narratives’ claim, the
of satisfaction with the degree of the State’s democracy, immigrants’ levels of satisfaction (particularly those from the West) were much lower. In response to more specific questions, e.g. regarding the protection of civil rights in Israel, native-born Israelis expressed very high levels of satisfaction in comparison with immigrants (75 per cent of the Israelis strongly agreed that individualrights are respected in Israel, in contrast to 50 per cent of immigrants). These findings were replicated and found even more prominence over the issue of equal rights in
modern conception of freedom’ (Habermas 2002 : 205) by pitting the protection of individualrights
against safeguarding collective ways of life, and by giving
precedence to the latter in certain cases of conflict.
Nevertheless, Habermas accepts Taylor's initial
diagnosis that entire groups of citizens can grow alienated even
from a democratic state, because the diverse and fluctuating
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips, and Shurlee Swain
welcomed by settlers, who were keen to
exercise their individualrights and to entrench their institutions; but it
had serious consequences for Indigenous peoples. Their recognition of this
danger often prompted appeals to the Crown to abide by British justice,
forcing the British Government of the day to respond to their concerns
independently of the local authorities.
This increasing fragmentation of political power further
The paradoxes of sustainability and Michel Houellebecq’s The
Possibility of an Island
a less natural lifestyle 199
over-consumption might require that individualrights and democratic
freedoms be substantially curtailed (Blühdorn 2011); famously, the Ehrlichs
declared their support for China’s coercive one-child policy (1990: 205).
Only an authoritarian state, it seemed, would be able to impose the necessary sacrifices on its citizens.
Like the discourse of sustainability, neo-Malthusianism is not merely
a set of descriptive statements or policy recommendations. It also touches
on our conceptions of the human and its relationship to the larger