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Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher

. Top-down pathways can be seen as revolving around the idea of modern cosmopolitanism. Premised upon the theoretical foundations provided by Kant and the work of twentiethcentury world federalists, modern cosmopolitanism purports that the world should be taken as a unit of society that has political rights and obligations transcending its nation state-based counterparts (Brown and Held 2010). This has seen a plethora of work arguing for the supplementing and transcending of elements of liberal democracy’s national framework to regional and/or global dimensions (Held

in John Dewey
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from the party and paving the way for the decidedly reformist ‘New’ Labour Party of the late 1990s. Initial hopes that the fall of the USSR would liberate Marxism from Stalinism do not appear to have been realised, as global capitalism and liberal democracy seemed to carry all before them. This very triumph has aroused radical challenges, however, as exemplified in recent years by vigorous demonstrations against globalisation

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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of the media, the rhetoric of liberal democracy experienced an ‘indigenization’ in many places where anthropologists work. Somewhat unexpectedly, local political parties and social movements emerged in highly centralized polities articulating a vocabulary of liberal democratic politics, nowhere more so than in southern Africa. Of course, the indigenization of the rhetoric of democracy was not unrelated to the generous provision of ‘democracy support’ to pro-liberalist groups and organizations by the US and other Western governments. Nevertheless, in empirical terms

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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, and the media have been entangled with such normative questions for some time has, in recent decades, become a growing source of instability in Western liberal democracies (see Smith and Holmwood, 2013). This has raised anxieties about the role of expertise and evidence in public debate in an age where countering ‘fake news’ and political disinformation – or what might have once been described as propaganda or even ‘psychological operations’ – has become a central concern for policymakers, electoral strategists, journalists, broadcasters and even intelligence

in Science and the politics of openness
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Reflections on the politics of openness in a new world order

Useful Evidence; Institute for Government; and Sciencewise. Turner, S. (2003). Liberal Democracy 3.0: Civil Society in an Age of Experts. London: Sage Publications. University of Manchester, Institute for Science, Ethics and Innovation (2010). Who Owns Science? The Manchester Manifesto. Retrieved 14 December 2016 from: www.isei.manchester.ac.uk/TheManchesterManifesto.pdf. Watermeyer, R. (2012). Written Evidence Submitted by ESRC Centre for Economic and Social Aspects of Genomics (Cesagen) Cardiff University (PE 01). Commons Select Committee, Public Administration

in Science and the politics of openness
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western norms and values relating to, for example, liberal democracy and an inclusive – or ‘civic’ – national identity. Relations between NATO and its members, on the one hand, and Russia on the other, represent arguably the single most important set of links in contemporary European security affairs. The Kosovo crisis can be described as a watershed event in the development of Russia–NATO relations in the

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
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unsuccessful – they were not transitions to liberal democracy – or remain 254 DEMOCRATIZATION THROUGH THE LOOKING-GLASS glaringly incomplete. For many societies and communities the ‘deepening’ of democracy in any meaningful sense still lies a long way off. The possibility of democratic regression in some countries cannot be ruled out. Hence, even if his demo-pessimism regarding China is overstated, Breslin’s caution against ‘concept stretching’ has value far beyond just East Asia. And looked at through the lens of IPE in a gathering climate of globalization, the early rose

in Democratization through the looking-glass
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?

quick in implementing disqualification, the parties were very careful with their language concerning issues such as liberal democracy and foreigners. 16 It was only in the summer of 2000 that Germany finally decided to initiate a process of disqualification against the NPD in consequence to its plan to instigate a racist revolution. In contrast to Israel, the disqualification process for a political party in Germany takes a considerable time and involves executive, parliamentary and judicial authorities. This protracted process is more likely to guarantee that the

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Criteria for ecologically rational governance

scientific expertise rather than rule by popularly elected trustees (Ophuls and Boyan 1992). However, most of these suggestions can be questioned. On the one hand, they fail on grounds of autonomy, i.e., a value at the very core of liberal democracy (see Jagers 2002:90 ff.). Harsh restrictions imposed on individual choice in the name of ecological necessity seem to rule out individual control over the context of choice. On the other hand, their effectiveness in achieving sustainable development is questioned. Democratically elected policy-makers are always under strong

in Sweden and ecological governance
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Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign

the conflict away from the battlefields of armour towards the battlefields of truth, on which the clash between ‘us’ and ‘them’, liberal democracy vs. rogue state, would take place. Moreover, Schmitt’s discussion of the legal and political consequences of discriminatory war makes it easier to place such critical reflections on the nature of war within an intellectual tradition. Above all, it becomes

in Mapping European security after Kosovo