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James E. Connolly

. The examination of this difficult topic relies on an engagement with many sources written during or after the liberation but which provide an insight into the occupation experience. In the following chapters I highlight various forms of negatively viewed behaviours and argue that types of behaviour were criticised which do not fall into the remit of the loaded, anachronistic term ‘collaboration’ and which were not necessarily illegal. Subsequently, I  propose a new conceptual category for understanding the ‘dark side’ of this occupation, and perhaps others. That

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
Jane Brooks

adjust to a normal way of living. Some hid their food in their lockers … in case … [ellipses in the original] some wept uncontrollably at times and some wanted to stand to attention if spoken to … We let the patients do their own thing … We had no routine, treated them as gently as possible and accepted some eccentricities.21 Other nurses were posted to care for the liberated civilian inmates of Nazi concentration camps. It is the experiences of nurses who were part of the liberation and later rehabilitation of the inmates at Bergen-­Belsen concentration camp that

in Negotiating nursing
Feminist journals and peace questions
Heloise Brown

with regard to free trade and European liberation movements. These issues dominated her approach to questions of peace, and in addition to the theoretical debates about the physical force objection discussed above, the WSJ contained many anti-war arguments in relation to specific conflicts. Becker’s responses to the Franco-Prussian war of 1870–71, the Bosnian conflict of 1876, and the Anglo-Boer war of 1878 were particularly strongly expressed. 31 ‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ Becker took the Franco-Prussian war as an example of the fate of nations when

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
The ‘revolutionary journées’ of 13 May 1958
Neil Macmaster

the veil will mark an important step in this direction . . . It seems to me absolutely necessary that the order for “unveiling” should be given now firmly and unambiguously’.31 The same Casbah letter was used by a Muslim councillor, the cadi Mohammed Benhoura, during a speech he made to the Administrative Commission of the Department of Algiers on 7 May, as a sign of the urgent need for Algeria to follow the revolutionary movement for the liberation of women sweeping through the Maghreb, notably in Tunisia and Morocco.32 Before looking more closely at the unveiling

in Burning the veil
Neil Macmaster

emancipation campaign 69 of new organisations, in particular the Section administrative spécialisée (SAS) and Centres sociaux, that were later to play a significant role in an overall strategy that targeted women. The second and most important phase, which lasted from the summer of 1956 until the spring of 1958, saw the appearance of an intense debate that was focused for the first time specifically on Algerian women. It is difficult to determine whether the FLN or the French army was the first to deploy a ‘liberation’ strategy for Muslim women that the opposing side then

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
Recovery and hubris; effervescence in the East
Kjell M. Torbiörn

this would mean a fundamental change in the nature of the EEC. The EEC had essentially been composed of rich, developed and geographically contiguous economies of the North-Western European type. Now a comparatively underdeveloped country would join, separated from the nearest EEC member, Italy, by a sea (the Adriatic) and from the others by the entire Balkans. Yet how could anyone deny that it was a Western country, indeed a wellspring – together with ancient Rome – of Western civilisation? Had not the West fought for Greece’s liberation from the Ottoman Empire? Had

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Criminality during the occupation
James E. Connolly

juridical documents; engaging in criminal acts undermined the collective good, removing social goods from their legitimate owners and thus fracturing the social relations underpinning the moral economy itself. For them, criminal misconduct threatened the stability and survival of local areas, not just during the occupation but also after the liberation. The role of the French police in 1914–​18 thus provides an important insight into both occupation criminality and the culture of the occupied. Policing In November 1918, the Commissaire de Police of Condé

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
Open Access (free)
Caroline Rusterholz

Contraception . 6 Kline, Bodies of Knowledge ; M. Wandor (ed.), The Body Politic: Writings from the Women's Liberation Movement in Britain 1969–1972 (London: Stage, 1972); J. Olszynko-Gryn, ‘The feminist appropriation of pregnancy testing in 1970s Britain’, Women's History Review , 28:6 (2019), pp. 869–94. 7

in Women’s medicine
Open Access (free)
Heloise Brown

Catherine Sandbach-Dahlstrom, ‘Virginia Woolf ’s Three Guineas: a theory of liberation for the modern world?’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 17:2–3 (1994), p. 231. 22 Woolf defended her position in Three Guineas against much opposition, for example in a letter in which she remarked ‘Of course I’m “patriotic” ’. Virginia Woolf to Ethel Smyth, 7 June 1938 in Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf (London: Vintage 1997), p. 710. 184

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
Visions of history, visions of Britain
Stephen Howe

, his memories: ‘They do not liberate me in any sense except that once you have written down something your mind is ready to go further… I would consider liberation from them a grievous loss, irreparable… I do not wish to be liberated from that past and, above all, I do not wish to be liberated from its future.’ 22 Those who wish to be liberated from the past – so he might have added – are

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain