investment often benefit from tight networks between the local/national state, development agencies and labour market institutional actors (Hudson, 2003). In such cases, regime competition and insecurity of future investment may lead to greater, rather than lesser, degrees of associational/network ‘embeddedness’ with these non-firm actors, at the same time as co-opting local institutions to the vagaries of international competition. These processes of ongoing competition for productive investment have been extensively researched by a literature on global production

in Making work more equal

party political positions at the national level.7 The nature of the German party system, together with the penetration by the parties of much of the bureaucracy and public institutions and enterprises, explains in part the close relationship between the national and state parties. But constitutional provisions calling for the creation of uniform or equivalent living conditions; close interrelationships between the national, state, and local office holders and civil servants in the German federal system, often referred to as Politikverflechtung; the relatively small

in The Länder and German federalism

the substitute of the unrepresentable totality’ (p. 58). Thus ‘space’ is now effectively a word denoting the transcendental totality itself, both a phenomenal and a noumenal entity, and so becomes logically both chapter3 21/12/04 62 11:14 am Page 62 Imperialism subject and object of modernism. And the totality is imperialism, ‘which stretches out the roads to infinity, beyond the bounds and orders of the national state’ (p. 57). Jameson’s final observation, though, resists dialectical closure: if ‘infinity’ (and ‘imperialism’) are bad or negative in Forster

in Postcolonial contraventions

FOR STUDY One of the errors which is often made in studying the institutions of the European Union is to attempt a comparison with national political systems. This carries a number of difficulties. The EU is not like a national state (though it may be ever closer to becoming one). There are crucial distinctions which must be borne in mind. These include the following. The EU remains an organisation of nations rather than a full-scale supranational body. The members are not yet prepared to abandon national interests completely. Instead, they have shown a willingness

in Understanding British and European political issues
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

ethnic nationalisms. For civic nationalisms often demand, as the price for receiving citizenship and its benefits, the surrender of ethnic community and individuality, the privatization of ethnic religion and the marginalization of the ethnic culture and heritage of minorities within the borders of the national state. 47 The ‘price for

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

situation has now changed. The new NATO has appeared as the flag bearer, restricting violence and defining order in the world. This new order is post-national, and must be understood as such. In opposition stands the old national state order, Milosevic and the old order proponents. One can perhaps even talk about this in a social context, Yugoslavia standing for the old order and NATO and the West for the new. All over

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)

. Most states are in fact multi-national. The United Kingdom, for example, is a multi-national state, consisting of four or five identifiable nations. Attempts to create a ‘British’ nation and national identity since, say, the union of the English and Scottish crowns in 1603, the union of Scottish and English parliaments in 1707, or the union with Ireland in 1801, have at best been only partially

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)

forces of disintegration and re-creation can be seen in nations such as Canada and Britain, countries far more stable and well established than the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the USSR. Canada’s future is questionable because of the continuing conflicts between its English and French-speaking peoples. The UK, even, may disintegrate as a consequence of the various nationalisms within its multi-national state

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Public presence, discourse, and migrants as threat

Migration and Law 11(2): 159–77. Van Zoonen, L., 1991. ‘Feminist Perspectives on the Media’, in J. Curran and M. Gurevitch, eds, Mass Media and Society , London and New York: Arnold, pp. 31–52. Vogli, E., 2007. 'Hellenes by Descent': Citizenship and Identity in the National State of Greeks (1821–1844), Heraklion: Crete Universtity Press (in Greek). Zavos

in Security/ Mobility

declares that all subjects are equal, in fact there are three distinct classifications of ‘federal subject’ in the document. First, the twenty-one ethnically based republics which are classified as nationalstate formations. Second, krai and oblasts, which are classified as FAD3 10/17/2002 5:42 PM Page 35 Federalism and constitutional asymmetry 35 administrative–territorial formations; and third, autonomous oblasts and autonomous okrugs defined as national-territorial formations.21 Only the republics are defined as ‘states’ with the right to their own

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia