Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author:

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Mark Garnett
and
Philip Lynch

membership of the euro for two parliaments. But as Philip Lynch notes in Chapter 8, the pragmatism of this new position and the ‘In Europe, not run by Europe’ platform masked a significant move towards Euro-scepticism. This reflected the increase in Euro-sceptic sentiment in the parliamentary party, though pro-Europeans (like Ian Taylor) were persistent and vocal critics. Europe was one of the few areas where the Conservatives were closer to public opinion than Labour, but Hague’s ‘Keep the Pound’ campaign brought little electoral reward. The ‘politics of nationhood’ are

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Ben Okri, Chenjerai Hove, Dambudzo Marechera
Elleke Boehmer

in certain more recent writings, as a source of invention. Writers investigate metaphor, symbol, dream and fetish as signifiers of a national reality or as constituents of a sense of national being, rather than the nation as literal truth. Under a range of pressures – political dislocations and violence, economic trauma, geographical and cultural displacements, other forms of national schizophrenia – the made up nature of nationhood has emerged into greater prominence. And so, as the split between nationalist fantasy and nation-state reality has been teased open

in Stories of women
Raymond Hinnebusch

. Most important, a common Arabic language – the critical ingredient of nationhood – existed. The ‘awakening’ of Arab identity was a product of the spread of mass education and literacy, especially in the 1950s and often by the Egyptian teachers recruited across the Arab world who helped form the educated middle class. The spread of a standardised Arabic in newspapers and radio made the language more homogeneous, stunting the evolution of national dialects as the linguistic basis of separate nations. The recent advent of Arab satellite TV has sharply reinforced cross

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
The Conservatives in crisis
Philip Lynch
and
Mark Garnett

, allowing a remodelled Labour Party to win votes on traditional Tory issues such as taxation and law and order. Europe and the single currency brought together a potent cocktail of strategic dilemmas concerning political economy and nationhood that re-opened a serious intra-party fault line. Unity was once (albeit erroneously) said to be the Tories’ secret weapon, but now the party was bitterly divided. Finally, as Andrew Gamble has noted, the pillars of Conservative hegemony – the defence of property, the constitution, Union, and Empire then Europe – were ‘hollowed out

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
British masculinities, pomophobia, and the post-nation
Berthold Schoene

the people that paradoxically thrive on both at once a strict oppositional segregation of the sexes and an adamant disavowal of their intrinsic heterogeneity, or self-andotherness. In the modernist era of the early twentieth century this fundamental deconstructive disunity at the heart of nationalist discourse – albeit ‘repressed and disguised by the veneer of national unity’ (Plain 1996: 20) and thus prone to strengthen the alleged bond of complementarity between the nation’s men and women – gives rise to the genderspecifically disparate experience of nationhood

in Across the margins
David Miller

by France. As he puts it, “political legitimacy in a democratic polity is not derived from nationhood or voluntary association but from popular self-government, that is, citizens’ participation and representation in democratic institutions that track their collective will and common good” (p. 41). I shall return later to Bauböck's rejection of nationhood as a basis for jurisdiction, but first I want to try to unpack these

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Why might history matter for development policy?
Ravi Kanbur

, and perhaps how other policies in turn get changed, or get influenced to be changed, by interest groups whose behaviour we hope to have modelled sufficiently accurately. Of course, encapsulated in the above are the divisions that dog economic analysis of development policy, even when all sides agree on the objective of development policy (for example, reducing infant mortality rates, rather than building a sense of and a pride in nationhood). Depending on assumptions of how markets behave, or how the political economy behaves, very different conclusions can be

in History, historians and development policy
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski
and
Martin A. Smith

Schöpflin, however, does not dismiss nationhood, or more specifically ‘ethnicity’, as unimportant to democracy. Indeed he argues that ‘democratic nationhood is composed of three key, interdependent elements: civil society, the state and ethnicity’. The central thrust of his argument is that ‘ethnicity, far from being an exaggerated or pathological condition is essential to certain aspects of nationhood and thus to

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
Marie Beauchamps

(‘sincerity’), the limitative criterion sets up a mobile, subjective norm that cannot be defined objectively. Instead, the manifest process of interpretation involved turns the normative criterion into an interplay of differential normalities as it effects a process of repetitive changes and adaptation. Based on specific politics of reading and interpretation, the various approaches to nationhood invoked

in Security/ Mobility