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Demonological descriptions of male witches
Lara Apps and Andrew Gow

). 20 Brauner, Fearless Wives , 123. 21 Schnyder, 11. 22 Adrian Johns, ‘Introduction: The book of nature and the nature of the book’, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998), 1

in Male witches in early modern Europe
Hans Peter Broedel

banquet of roasted children. An orgy in darkness followed, in which “one man joins carnally with one woman, or a man with another man, and sometimes father with daughter, son with mother, brother with sister, and every law of nature is violated.”16 Finally, everyone ritually defecated into a cask in despite of the Eucharist and then returned home. The author learned all of this from the confessions of the sectaries themselves, who were seduced into this evil either by their carnal lusts, their abject poverty, or their fear of powerful enemies. These were heretics

in The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft
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witchcraft continued
Willem de Blécourt and Owen Davies

is partly clouded by the nature of the sources documenting witchcraft, explanations have to remain tentative. Moreover, much depends on the specific angle from which witchcraft is approached and from the overall category it is placed in. Nevertheless, reading nineteenth- and twentieth-century witchcraft reports can easily convey the impression of extreme, sometimes even deadly, violence. As the essays in this volume show

in Witchcraft Continued
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Alison Forrestal

episcopacy that occurred through the Tridentine period, for it hides the debates and the developments in episcopal theology and practice that preoccupied bishops and other reformers. That flux was nowhere more evident than in the French church, one of the major bastions of catholicism, with an overwhelmingly Catholic population and monarchs who prided themselves on the impeccable Catholic credentials of ‘most Christian king’ and ‘eldest son of the Church’. Amid the vigorous reform currents of this seventeenth-century realm, there arose an unprecedented debate on the nature

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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Contested categories
Hans Peter Broedel

with a learned, theologically informed worldview. An examination of the relationships between witchcraft, God and the devil, the projects of chapters 3 and 4, follows in the inquisitors’ footsteps, and reveals how they reconciled data from testimony and experience with their assumptions about the nature of the universe. That witchcraft was necessary in the first place seems much the product of a peculiarly late-medieval way of looking at the devil and diabolic power. Many witch-theorists, Institoris and Sprenger prominent among them, embraced an oddly bifurcated

in The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft
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Hans Peter Broedel

servitude, and providing, as well, future generations of witches. In the following three questions, the authors examine this curious state of affairs in more detail, beginning with an attempt to construct a coherent picture of the power and the nature of demons and to explain their interest in human sexuality. Logically, they should then turn to the other half of the equation and examine the role of the witch herself. But before they do so, they try to address a perceived weak point in their argument, and embark on a long and confusing questio on the possible influence of

in The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft
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Duncan Sayer

(see Figure 1.9 and Figure 3.7 ). Overall, this pattern implies that the configuration B burials were treated differently. Instead of the vertical pattern presented in the centre of the cemetery among the configuration A burials, the configuration B inhumations had a more horizontal nature and were at least partially buried among groups of contemporaneous graves. However, there were a couple of graves which complicate this. Grave 12 was of the A configuration, and was interesting because it consisted of two burials: 12A was a male burial with a scabbard mount

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries
Sabina Magliocco

attention to materialist context made important contributions to the understanding of folk magical practices by emphasizing their historical continuity with earlier systems of thought, and their relationship to systems of power and domination. However, both approaches ultimately failed to address the deeply spiritual nature these practices had for their practitioners. This spiritual significance is, I suspect, the reason why

in Witchcraft Continued
Alison Forrestal

the leading noble families, ‘who regarded them as hereditary’.5 Even allowing for some exaggeration and imbalance in the citing of episcopal inadequacies and for the subjective nature of much of the source material, there is no doubt that by the final decade of the sixteenth century the French episcopate was in a state of considerable disarray and that the criticisms of contemporaries and the judgements of historians do have a reasonable basis in fact. Despite its promising start, the late sixteenth-century episcopate failed to live up to the expectations which it

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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Agency and selfhood at stake
Lara Apps and Andrew Gow

’ episodes of witch-hunting, thereby bracketing out most accusations involving ‘minor’ witchcraft, popular magic, healing spells, potions and the like. 3 The scholar of early modern witchcraft faces a number of difficult methodological and epistemological problems,most of which stem from the ‘impossible’ nature of witchcraft itself. The problem of how to read and assess ‘non-factual’ witchcraft materials

in Male witches in early modern Europe