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Jürgen Habermas and the European left

emphatically nationalistic forms of political community and by crafting a vision of postnational political community as the normative potential of our age. One of the markers of critical theory, as Habermas understood it, was to recognise that overcoming antisemitism lies at the centre of any worthwhile project of European reconstruction. 12 Jürgen Habermas: antisemitism and the postnational project Habermas conceived the postnational

in Antisemitism and the left

possible agenda must be included in the demos” (p. 22). 3 Taken literally, this would mean that the demos must be global in scope, since any decision taken by a less inclusive body is liable to affect the interests of at least some outsiders, and Bauböck recoils from this conclusion, arguing that democracy presupposes the existence of a plurality of bounded political communities. Nevertheless, he concedes to the defenders of AAI that “those whose interests are

in Democratic inclusion
Some questions for Rainer Bauböck

distinguished from questions about membership, so that ASC cannot be used tout court as a guide to the allocation of citizenship. Finally, I share many of Bauböck's views about who ought to be granted citizenship in a democratic political community and why. He prefers the language of stakeholdership (ACS) and I prefer the language of social membership in exploring these issues, but in substantive terms our views of what democratic principles entail

in Democratic inclusion
A political–cultural approach

expectations. The politics of identity In the international system, membership of a political community has traditionally been institutionalised spatially within territorial states (Krasner 1988 ). Foreign policy follows as a consequence of a political community being recognised as a sovereign state and is thus an essential confirmation of its identity by other sovereign actors. Wallace (1991 : 65) has called this the

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy

meaningless if it is considered in isolation from the state, because the modern state shaped the nationalist agenda and provided it with an overarching objective – the possession of statehood.30 The closest Breuilly came to outlining an account of the emergence of a national ‘order of things’ was a brief discussion of the transfer of political power from monarchs to an enlarged political community. He suggested that the driving force behind this transfer was the need to defend the monarch’s territory against the rise of similar states, though this tautology is unconvincing

in The formation of Croatian national identity

Walter Benjamin after, was acutely aware of the role of violence in constituting and sustaining forms of political community. On this view, there is an uneasy continuum between the polite deliberation and disagreement within forums, senates and parliaments, and the fighting and killing that bring these into being and sustain them internally against opposition and against rival communities and

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Individuals acting together

”, “nation”, “state”, and “political community” interchangeably’. 6 In a discussion of state authority which is pertinent for considerations of community, Joseph Raz says ‘Throughout the discussion I refer interchangeably to the state, which is the political organization of a society, its government, the agent through which it acts, and the law, the vehicle through which much of its power is exercised’. 7 But

in Political concepts
Israel and a Palestinian state

disaffection of Israeli Palestinians with the Israeli regime ( Amara, 2000 ). 20 So the Palestinian minority within Israel could become alienated from both political communities. Ethnic and religious tolerance National security does not require ethnic and religious homogeneity or cohesiveness. What it does require is that differentiated ethnic and religious groups avoid internecine

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Is the CFSP sui generis?

states’ (Haas 1958 : 16), then clearly it is difficult to conceive of CFSP as a process of integration. In CFSP, no central institutions have emerged which possess jurisdiction over member states’ foreign policies, nor has CFSP led to the emergence of a political community defined as ‘a condition in which specific groups and individuals show more loyalty to their central political institutions than to any other political

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy

that he alone has any sense of good and evil, of just and unjust, and the like, and the association of living beings who have this sense makes a family and a state. 17 For Aristotle, only those with “the power of speech” to “set forth the just and unjust” can be party to a political relationship or members of a political community. Humans who lack this power, like other animals, may have

in Democratic inclusion