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A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

midst of financial stress and host countries concerned about taking in permanent new residents – that the problems they seek to address are temporary’ ( Miliband, 2016 ). 1 Miliband’s solution to this problem was striking in its banality: long-term programming, properly supported (financially and politically) by states and international agencies. Yet in calling for better-informed, long-term decision-making, he nonetheless highlighted the need for a much deeper discussion of the relationship between long-term processes, lessons learnt and the practice of humanitarian

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

, 2014 ). Looking at elite politics in South Sudan, de Waal argued that since the signing of the CPA with Khartoum, the oil and, to a lesser extent, aid revenues now available to South Sudanese leaders had been consistently used to build patronage linkages and private security loyalties, leaving scant resources for health and other public services. This system had encouraged provincial leaders and military commanders’ growing demands for a share in state resources, and their using mutiny and violence as bargaing tools. To ensure the loyalty of their armed constituents

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

approach underpinned by the depoliticisation of the cause of Palestinians’ displacement and dispossession – the occupation of Palestinian territory by the state of Israel. In essence, the deal is a ‘truly Trumpian solution’: ‘cash for peace instead of land for peace… Peace will therefore be economic, rather than political… Their hopes may be dead but their bank accounts will be in the black’ ( Fisk, 2018 ). While UNRWA may be perceived as being at particular risk due to the financial precarity resulting from the funding cuts, it is (as I explore

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask ‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it also be expected to respect human rights

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

, Rwanda and the entire Great Lakes region of Africa became particularly high-risk areas for aid workers. It was during the intervention in Somalia in 1992 that the interface between security, operational procedures and humanitarian principles became central for MdM. The political and security climate at the time confined NGOs to urban centres across Somalia, while the looting of humanitarian convoys by armed men on the main roads made regular aid delivery to the IDP (internally displaced person) camps difficult. Was armed protection necessary to ensure access to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A veiled threat

I N THE MIDDLE East, security is strongly influenced by politicized forms of fundamental belief systems. This chapter examines the dual role of political Islam, with specific focus on Palestine and the case of Hamas , the Islamic Resistance Movement, in the West Bank and Gaza. In this context, political Islam represents a general rejection of the Arab

in Redefining security in the Middle East

the core great powers and the international political economy constitutes a dilemma for regional states. The core is both the indispensable source of many crucial resources and of constraints on the autonomy of regional states. The constraining impact of the core ranges from the threat of active military intervention or economic sanctions to the leverage derived from the dependency of regional states, maximised where there is high need and a lack of alternatives for the client state. In extreme cases, foreign policy may be chiefly designed to access economic

in The international politics of the Middle East
Explaining foreign policy variation

What explains the similarities and differences in the foreign policy behaviour of Middle East states? The relative explanatory weight carried by domestic politics versus that of the systemic arenas in which states operate is a matter of some dispute between pluralists on the one hand, and realists and structuralists on the other. On the face of it, if the domestic level is determinant, as pluralists tend to argue, different kinds of states should follow different foreign policies and similar ones similar policies. If the systemic level is

in The international politics of the Middle East

’s states and peoples. The second Gulf War The second Gulf War represented a watershed event in the Middle East that sharply underlined how far it is a ‘penetrated system’, its politics a product of interaction between global and local forces. The war, likewise, can only be understood by recourse to variables on multiple ‘levels of analysis’. Regional level conflicts and Iraqi political economy largely explain the Iraqi choices that unleashed the war. However, there would have been no war without global level factors, namely

in The international politics of the Middle East

7 Everyday resistance and everyday order in world politics D espite the increasing involvement of peacebuilding strategies in spheres of sovereign authority after the Cold War, and despite the fact that these strategies aim to reconstitute state authority, peacebuilding continues to be thought of as external to the conflicts and violent dynamics it addresses. The critical peace and conflict studies literature has challenged this vision, but in trying to understand the power dynamics in peacebuilding processes it has reified a binary vision by analysing these

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making