Felix Kanitz and Balkan archaeology

symbolic capital (sensu Bourdieu, 1984) of the past to expand their cultural and political influence in the present (Diáz-Andreu, 2007: 101). In this particular case, the ruling elites of the Habsburg Empire sought to use the prestige of the ancient world in order to expand the Empire’s cultural and political influence in the Balkans. At the same time, Roman heritage served as a proof of Serbia’s European-ness (Babić, 2001: 176). Kanitz’s last book on Serbia, Das Königreich Serbien, offers crucial insight into this elaborate network of contacts. This three-volume work

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology

as metalwork, woodwork and monumental sculpture – on an hereditary and professional basis. From the thirteenth until the earlier eighteenth century, their patrons and paymasters were the Gaelic ruling elite in both Scotland and Ireland, and one of the benefits which this symbiotic relationship conferred upon the learned orders was the status of nobility. Of greatest social rank and influence were the poets, and we should note that poetry and history – here almost synonymous with genealogy – were very closely allied, to the extent that some learned lineages, and

in The spoken word
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identification existed in most parts of the world, but that was often confined to ruling elites and often had little popular support. But it was the experience of European power and, usually, colonisation that stimulated the development of non-European nationalism. Nationalism and international politics Nationalism, as we have seen, developed in its modern form during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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this – hence their belief in a ruling elite and a powerful and authoritative ruler, the ‘Superman’, who embodied the General Will of the people and would lead the nation to renewal and glory. Fascist Italy and, especially, Nazi Germany rejected the former governing classes, which they blamed for their nation’s misfortunes. In Italy the Fascist Party would constitute the new elite, comprised of those who

in Understanding political ideas and movements

Gentry, the Professions … and the trading part of the Kingdom.’55 But that same year the Wilkite movement seemingly broke the rules of the political game. Prime Minister George Grenville perceived that ‘the clamour of the people’ then was not for a change of ministry, another reshuffle of Parliamentary politicians, but against the political establishment as a whole.56 The Wilkite mobs of 1768 shouted ‘Damn the King! Damn the Government!’ The ruling élite at Westminster closed ranks, with opposition politicians criticising the ministry not for deploying soldiers against

in George III

nation of fortyfive million there would be a proportion to whom the very concept of ‘nation’ meant little or nothing, who had no respect for law or for the constituted authorities, who could not understand – let alone become part of – the notion of communal effort in a ‘people’s war’. The wonder is that so many of them chose to become part of that effort or at the very least did nothing to impede it. Before the war and during its first eighteen months the ruling elites, and many others besides, had had serious doubts about the capacity of British society to hold

in Half the battle

–46) argued that a viable basis of statehood (or even nationhood) exists in a multitude of geographical entities with distinct historical experiences: where minority sects established autonomous regimes (Yemen, Oman, Lebanon); where tribal or tribal-religious movements founded regimes (Saudi Arabia); where Mamluk elites achieved autonomy as Ottoman power declined (Tunisia, Algeria). The Western imposition of the contemporary state system on these ‘proto-nations’, defining permanent boundaries that protected them from absorption and, endowing them with ruling elites and

in The international politics of the Middle East
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The oddity of democracy

appearance and behaviour, by voice and clothing. A democratic people has a character which is not derived from laws or constitutions, but which is in symbiotic relationship with them. Just as democracy is characterised by a tension between a sovereign people and a ruling elite, so it is further characterised by the contrary demands of democratic solidarity and individual freedom, the stress between association and distinction. When a mobilised society becomes a democracy, the tension between the solidarity and equality of action, which characterises

in Cultivating political and public identity
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?

challenge of extremist Jewish elements has gradually decreased. The credit for this turn of policy goes to the increasing commitment to democratic values of ruling elites and their fear of forfeiting public legitimacy by responding with too heavy a hand to the representatives of one of the groups constituting the polarised Israeli society. However, this novel approach will founder unless there is significant change in the empowerment of the democratic underpinnings of Israeli society. The various chapters of this book present evidence of the significant incongruity that

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
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Greeks and Saracens inGuy of Warwick

10 Romancing the East: Greeks and Saracens in Guy of Warwick Rebecca Wilcox Guy’s ties to the East For decades, literary critics such as Frederic Jameson and Stephen Knight have argued that medieval romance, for the most part, unquestioningly reflects dominant ideologies of the ruling elite.1 Far from conforming to this prescription, however, the fourteenth-century popular romance Guy of Warwick engages contemporary socio-political concerns in critical and transformative ways. Guy’s fantastic reworking of England’s past through its titular hero both recognises

in Pulp fictions of medieval England