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The reception of Christianity not mysterious, 1696–1702

public sphere in late seventeenth century England.’ In Libertinage et philosophie au XVIIe siècle. Le Public et le Privé (1999) pp. 143–190. 7 Tolandiana p. 39. 8 See Tolandiana p. 28. 9 Toland Vindicus Liberus (1702) pp. 80, 104. 10 Tolandiana pp. 92, 320. 11 N. Lutterell A brief historical narration of state affairs 6 volumes (Oxford, 1857) IV pp. 226–227. 12 J. Gailhard The epistle and preface to the book against the blasphemous Socinian heresie vindicated and the charge against Socinianism made good (1698) pp. 81–82. 13 See J. Spurr ‘The Church, the societies and

in Republican learning

: Peasants and Illicit Sex in Early Seventeenth Century England (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1979), p. 196. 35 Noted, e.g., in British Library MS. Harl. 3190 (seventeenth-century account of civil law in England), fol. 31: ‘If anyone fails to appear when summoned to judgment, he shall be subject to excommunication at the discretion of the judge (Si quis in iudicium vocatus non venerit pro arbitrio iudicis est excommunicandus).’ 36 See, e.g., gl. ord. ad Sext 1.3.11, s.v. paucis; and see generally R. M. Fraher, ‘Conviction according to conscience: the medieval jurists’ debate

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
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very effective state structure and by the thirteenth century the Normans and Saxons had fused into an English national identity. This national identity survived civil wars and was greatly strengthened by Tudor monarchs during the sixteenth century and the civil wars and political upheavals of the seventeenth century. England was shaped by many social developments, especially by being the earliest

in Understanding political ideas and movements

that our post-Cartesian perspective makes it difficult to comprehend a time when selves were not separate from bodies. In seventeenth-century England, ‘embodiments of emotion [are] not […] enactments of dead metaphors but rather explorations of the corporeal nature of self ’.25 When Herrick’s narrator says he drowns in MUP_Smith_Printer.indd 123 02/04/2015 16:18 124 The senses in context the vision of Julia’s petticoat, Herrick probably does not use ‘drown’ as a simile. When he sees her petticoat, he does not feel like he is drowning. He is drowning. Schoenfeldt

in The senses in early modern England, 1558–1660
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, ‘Reading the Body: The Revenger’s Tragedy and the Jacobean Theater of Consumption’, Renaissance Drama, 18 (1987), 121–48; Cavell, ‘“Who Does the Wolf Love?”: Reading Coriolanus’, Representations, 3 (1983), 1–20; Britland, ‘Circe’s Cup: Wine and Women in Early Modern Drama’, in A Pleasing Sinne: Drink and Conviviality in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. by Adam Smyth (Woodbridge: Brewer, 2004), pp. 109–25. For useful overviews of the field see Patricia Cahill, ‘Take Five: Renaissance Literature and the Study of the Senses’, Literature Compass, 6 (2009), 1014–30; Holly

in The senses in early modern England, 1558–1660
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simultaneously, in seventeenth-century England. Recent work by historians on the idea of the devil in early modern England has demonstrated that the concept was increasingly important to Protestants in interpreting their everyday experiences.25 Protestant theologians developed a view of the devil which emphasised his role in tempting human beings into committing sinful acts. In The Witch of Edmonton, just before Cuddy Banks beats the devil out of Edmonton, he is told something about how evil spirits operate: I’ll thus much tell thee. Thou never art so distant From an evil

in Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama, 1538–1681
The discourse of spirits in Enlightenment Bristol

and Gareth Roberts (eds), Witchcraft in Early Modern Scotland (Exeter, 2000). Historians are now following suit, for example: Peter Elmer, ‘ “Saints or Sorcerers”: Quakerism, Demonology and the Decline of Witchcraft in Seventeenth-Century England’, in Barry et al. Witchcraft, pp. 145–79; Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Oxford, 1997); Malcolm Gaskill, Crime and Mentalities in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2000) and Stuart Clark (ed.), Languages of Witchcraft (Basingstoke, 2001). W. B. Carnochan, ‘Witch-Hunting and

in Beyond the witch trials

Demons, 150. Yet Nider himself does not gender witches consistently, and his most fully described maleficus, the arch-witch Staedelin, is a man. It is likely, however, that here we glimpse a contradiction between Nider’s own conception of witchcraft, and the beliefs and experiences of his informant, Peter Gruyères of Bern. See Blauert, 57–9. J.A. Sharpe, “Witchcraft and Women in Seventeenth Century England: Some Northern Evidence,” Continuity and Change 6 (1991): 179–99; 194. See also Sharpe, Witchcraft in Seventeenth Century Yorkshire: Accusations and Countermeasures

in The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft
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Invisibility and erasure in The Two Merry Milkmaids

a cipher, a zero. It is not insignificant that the late sixteenth century sees a growing interest in ‘the figure and mathematical function of the cipher, due to its association with Hindu-Arabic numerals, which were only just coming into widespread use during the period’. 59 As the OED explains, in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England, a ‘character’ did not yet

in Making and unmaking in early modern English drama
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John Toland and print and scribal communities

: Hodegus p. 6. 20 Tetradymus: Mangoneutes p. 209. 21 See BL Add Mss 4282 fo. 190 (March 15, 1722). 22 Tetradymus: Mangoneutes p. 209. 23 Tetradymus ‘Preface’ p. xxii. 24 See Nazarenus ‘Introduction’ passim. 25 See Tolandiana pp. 157–158, 162. 26 See BL Add Mss 4295 fo. 24. 66 MUP/Champion_03_Ch2 66 27/2/03, 10:17 am Communities of readers 27 P. Desmaizeaux ‘Introduction’ Collections 1 p. lxvii. 28 H. Love Scribal publication in seventeenth-century England (Oxford, 1993) p. 47. 29 See Tolandiana p. 158. 30 See Add Mss 4295 fos. 25 and 4, for examples of other

in Republican learning