The reception of Christianity not mysterious, 1696–1702
public sphere in late seventeenthcenturyEngland.’ In Libertinage et
philosophie au XVIIe siècle. Le Public et le Privé (1999) pp. 143–190.
7 Tolandiana p. 39.
8 See Tolandiana p. 28.
9 Toland Vindicus Liberus (1702) pp. 80, 104.
10 Tolandiana pp. 92, 320.
11 N. Lutterell A brief historical narration of state affairs 6 volumes (Oxford, 1857) IV pp.
12 J. Gailhard The epistle and preface to the book against the blasphemous Socinian heresie
vindicated and the charge against Socinianism made good (1698) pp. 81–82.
13 See J. Spurr ‘The Church, the societies and
: Peasants and Illicit
Sex in Early SeventeenthCenturyEngland (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1979),
35 Noted, e.g., in British Library MS. Harl. 3190 (seventeenth-century account of
civil law in England), fol. 31: ‘If anyone fails to appear when summoned to judgment, he shall be subject to excommunication at the discretion of the judge (Si quis
in iudicium vocatus non venerit pro arbitrio iudicis est excommunicandus).’
36 See, e.g., gl. ord. ad Sext 1.3.11, s.v. paucis; and see generally R. M. Fraher, ‘Conviction according to conscience: the medieval jurists’ debate
effective state structure and by the thirteenth century the Normans and Saxons had fused
into an English national identity. This national identity survived civil
wars and was greatly strengthened by Tudor monarchs during the sixteenth
century and the civil wars and political upheavals of the seventeenthcentury.
England was shaped by many social
developments, especially by being the earliest
post-Cartesian perspective makes it difficult to comprehend a time when selves
were not separate from bodies. In seventeenth-centuryEngland, ‘embodiments
of emotion [are] not […] enactments of dead metaphors but rather explorations
of the corporeal nature of self ’.25 When Herrick’s narrator says he drowns in
The senses in context
the vision of Julia’s petticoat, Herrick probably does not use ‘drown’ as a simile.
When he sees her petticoat, he does not feel like he is drowning. He is drowning.
, ‘Reading the Body: The Revenger’s Tragedy and the Jacobean Theater
of Consumption’, Renaissance Drama, 18 (1987), 121–48; Cavell, ‘“Who Does the
Wolf Love?”: Reading Coriolanus’, Representations, 3 (1983), 1–20; Britland, ‘Circe’s
Cup: Wine and Women in Early Modern Drama’, in A Pleasing Sinne: Drink and
Conviviality in Seventeenth-CenturyEngland, ed. by Adam Smyth (Woodbridge:
Brewer, 2004), pp. 109–25. For useful overviews of the field see Patricia Cahill, ‘Take
Five: Renaissance Literature and the Study of the Senses’, Literature Compass, 6
(2009), 1014–30; Holly
simultaneously, in seventeenth-centuryEngland.
Recent work by historians on the idea of the devil in early modern
England has demonstrated that the concept was increasingly important
to Protestants in interpreting their everyday experiences.25 Protestant
theologians developed a view of the devil which emphasised his
role in tempting human beings into committing sinful acts. In The
Witch of Edmonton, just before Cuddy Banks beats the devil out
of Edmonton, he is told something about how evil spirits operate:
I’ll thus much tell thee. Thou never art so distant
From an evil
Roberts (eds), Witchcraft in Early Modern Scotland (Exeter, 2000). Historians are now
following suit, for example: Peter Elmer, ‘ “Saints or Sorcerers”: Quakerism, Demonology and the Decline of Witchcraft in Seventeenth-CenturyEngland’, in Barry et
al. Witchcraft, pp. 145–79; Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft
in Early Modern Europe (Oxford, 1997); Malcolm Gaskill, Crime and Mentalities in
Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2000) and Stuart Clark (ed.), Languages of Witchcraft (Basingstoke, 2001).
W. B. Carnochan, ‘Witch-Hunting and
Yet Nider himself does not gender witches consistently, and his most fully described
maleficus, the arch-witch Staedelin, is a man. It is likely, however, that here we glimpse
a contradiction between Nider’s own conception of witchcraft, and the beliefs and experiences of his informant, Peter Gruyères of Bern. See Blauert, 57–9.
J.A. Sharpe, “Witchcraft and Women in SeventeenthCenturyEngland: Some Northern
Evidence,” Continuity and Change 6 (1991): 179–99; 194. See also Sharpe, Witchcraft in
Seventeenth Century Yorkshire: Accusations and Countermeasures
Invisibility and erasure in The Two Merry Milkmaids
a cipher, a zero. It is not insignificant that the late sixteenth
century sees a growing interest in ‘the figure and mathematical
function of the cipher, due to its association with Hindu-Arabic
numerals, which were only just coming into widespread use during the
As the OED explains, in late sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-centuryEngland, a ‘character’ did not yet
: Hodegus p. 6.
20 Tetradymus: Mangoneutes p. 209.
21 See BL Add Mss 4282 fo. 190 (March 15, 1722).
22 Tetradymus: Mangoneutes p. 209.
23 Tetradymus ‘Preface’ p. xxii.
24 See Nazarenus ‘Introduction’ passim.
25 See Tolandiana pp. 157–158, 162.
26 See BL Add Mss 4295 fo. 24.
27/2/03, 10:17 am
Communities of readers
27 P. Desmaizeaux ‘Introduction’ Collections 1 p. lxvii.
28 H. Love Scribal publication in seventeenth-centuryEngland (Oxford, 1993) p. 47.
29 See Tolandiana p. 158.
30 See Add Mss 4295 fos. 25 and 4, for examples of other