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The status of bodies in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide

century, which both left behind traces of blood and tears in (virtually) the same places. These traces can be read in built structures, the discourse and stories surrounding them, and the social practices linked to them. Much as an archaeologist would, I observed how these sites had come through the intervening time, in particular the years of the American war and the Khmer Rouge regime. For instance, a canal dug using forced labour under the Democratic Kampuchean regime ‘violently’ cuts through the sanctuary of Grandfather Khleang Mueng, a monumental statue of the

in Human remains and mass violence
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to enable a better human rights practice – that is, to enable a rights practice which is more observant of and responsive to the spectrum of injury that we collectively inflict and endure, more open to engagement over the long term with the complexities of the actual social practices, institutions and circumstances in which many forms of abuse are embedded, and which is at the least oriented no less towards the reconstitution of social and political relationships and structures shaped by violence and humiliation than it is towards the condemnation of the

in Human rights and the borders of suffering

certainty sought by many approaches to human rights is one embedded in the historical emergence of the modern state. And yet the effort of recognising and responding to abuse and the social practices in which it is embedded can raise profoundly difficult questions – questions that are liable to shake certainties as much as secure them. The massacres of the twentieth century, for example, of which for Westerners the Holocaust remains emblematic, raise questions that have no clear answers. The recognition of suffering can throw deeply embedded

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
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The daily work of Erich Muhsfeldt, chief of the crematorium at Majdanek concentration and extermination camp, 1942–44

its protagonists and social dynamics, that deserves our attention in all its complexity and presumed normalcy, for it points us towards the social practices of concentration camp supervisory staff, the ambiguity of their actions, and the production and organization of social norms. For this purpose, an everyday historical approach is useful because it no longer focuses on the elites,10 but rather on the everyday work of ‘normal’ perpetrators in terms of a history of experience. In our case this group is the subordinate SS staff 11 of the Majdanek concentration and

in Destruction and human remains
A review and manifesto

. Collective practices, reproduced and improvised upon by the agents conducting them, lie at the centre of the recommended approach of consumption. Many things can be meaningfully consumed only within the boundaries of practices which are social, cumulative and governed by convention. Outside of social practices, much consumer behaviour does not make sense. The collective development of a practice is a source of innovation in demand. As Swann (Chapter 3 of this volume) notes, Alfred Marshall conceived of the expansion of demand as a process whereby activities generated wants

in Innovation by demand
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representing a hope and a gratifying experience to a frustration, an illusion, and a form of indefinite distress (ibid., 39). Indeed, we wait in waiting rooms, we stand in lines, we enroll ourselves on waiting lists. Waiting is a significant part of our social lives and everyday schedules; it is an inherent side-effect of bureaucratic logic and religious beliefs, and is incorporated into a wide variety of social practices. It also plays a central role in our daily social WAITING AND QUEUING 95 existence and knowledge, as it guides everything from mundane conversation

in A table for one

formation of national identity. Primordialists claim that the nation was not therefore ‘imagined’ or constructed outside prior forms of social community and neither was it a revolutionary or completely novel product of the march MUP_Bellamy_02_Ch1 7 9/3/03, 9:19 T   C   8 towards modernity. Instead, they argue that national identity is based directly on previous forms of group identity and draws upon the myths, languages and social practices of these pre-national groups. Edward Shils and Clifford Geertz are often cited as the

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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explained by the attitude of the subordinate to the bare issuing of the instructions. The reason that Weber addressed this situation was that he studied social practices ‘insofar as the acting individual attaches a subjective meaning to his behaviour’; 4 legitimacy is the subjective meaning attached to the conscious acceptance of a relationship of domination. Weber has long been famous for classifying legitimate domination into

in Political concepts
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nobility, and as a result the process of writing dispersed power yet also concentrated it. He argued that literature ‘stands at the crossroads of medieval social practice and culture’.5 What is significant here is that this collective writing lesson was gendered. If the definition of literature is expanded to include not only poetry, history and romance, the main sources which Bloch uses, but also administrative documents and charters, the ways in which individual noblewomen exerted power become apparent. Charters have a particular usefulness in that they are evidence of

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
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participation: The ‘citizen science’ of genetics. In B. Prainsack, S. Schicktanz and G. Werner-Felmayer (eds), Genetics as Social Practice: Transdisciplinary Views on Science and Culture. Farnham: Ashgate. Prainsack, B. (forthcoming). Personalization from Below: Participatory Medicine in the 21st Century? New York: New York University Press. Prainsack, B., and Riesch, H. (2016). Interdisciplinarity reloaded? Drawing lessons from ‘citizen science’. In S. F. Frickel, M. Albert and B. Prainsack (eds), Investigating Interdisciplinary Collaboration: Theory and Practice Across

in Science and the politics of openness