Open Access (free)
Cécile Laborde

Separation of 1905, ‘the state neither recognises nor subsidises any religion’ (Article 2). This establishes a regime of mutual independence: freedom of religion (in its individual and collective dimensions) is guaranteed in the private sphere, while state policies are pursued and justified without reference to religious values. Laïcité A is therefore a form of state neutrality. There are, however, two senses in which a state policy can be said to be ‘neutral’ towards religion. The first, which roughly corresponds to the ‘non-establishment’ clause of the First Amendment of

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Community, language and culture under the Celtic Tiger
Steve Coleman

systematic state-sponsored ‘development’ under the auspices of the Congested Districts Board (CDB), founded in 1891. The CDB concentrated on building up basic infrastructure and ignored broader questions of community, language or culture. Under the newly independent Irish Free State, the Gaeltacht Commission of 1926 surveyed the country and drew what became the geographic boundaries of the official Gaeltacht. Although ostensibly aimed at preserving the Irish language in these areas, Irish state policy concentrated on developing a system of grants to individual families

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

’. Above all, the CD wants a Dutch Netherlands, which it sees being threatened by mass immigration and the state policy of multi-culturalism. However, contrary to ethnic nationalist parties the CD does not exclude people on the basis of an ethnic criterion. It hardly ever speaks in terms of the Dutch ethnic community, but almost exclusively in terms of the Dutch population. It is a state (or civic) rather than an ethnic nationalist party. Both forms of nationalism strive for the congruence of state and ethnic community, but the ethnic nationalist works from a closed

in The ideology of the extreme right
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

addressing the continued marginalization of women in the public sphere and to continued gender inequality more generally. However, on the other hand, there has also been a concern that national machineries might well be used, especially where a strong women’s movement does not exist, to co-opt the gender agenda within state policy, thus divesting it of its radical edge. Holding these two positions together, at times in tension with each other, does not take away from the importance of the state as an arena for furthering gender justice. It also suggests that the state is a

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Richard Parrish

in the European Union The third explanation concerns the indirect and often unintentional nature of state involvement in sport as a consequence of state policy rather than an instrument of state policy. Although generally disinterested in sport, other than as a means of social control, the activities of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government in the 1980s had a profound impact on the sports sector. Monnington remarked that ‘sport has experienced the consequences of “Thatcherism”’ (Monnington 1992: 148). The reform programme of Thatcher, which included

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Pasts and presents
Joe Turner

police migrant families and Muslim households is all done in the name of ‘safeguarding children’ 244 Bordering intimacy or to ensure that all couples claiming rights are merely ‘genuine’. This works to equally hide the racist and misogynistic violence committed against Muslim women (Al-Shamahi and Lkaderi 2019) normalised by state policies such as Prevent. Whilst advanced liberal categories complicate and rework the imperial mapping of people into backwards or modern, the modern family remains bound to both whiteness and anti-blackness. This is structured around the

in Bordering intimacy
The Ecuadorian experience
Silvia Vega Ugalde

5 The role of the women’s movement in institutionalizing a gender focus in public policy: the Ecuadorian experience silvia vega ugalde 1 Introduction The institutionalization of a gender focus in state policy is a long, complex process. It presupposes intervention in a variety of areas and further presupposes the active presence in society of actors who campaign, promote and lobby in order that the gender dimension becomes visible in political and social relations. In this chapter I present the experience of the Coordinadora Politica de Mujeres Ecuatorianas

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

pressures that families have had to experience and the abandonment of the earlier pattern of state-based participation in political institutions, women have largely stayed away from political institutions. Women have continued to be active in some eastern European countries at the level of informal, civil society politics, where they have channelled their input into being lobbying and advocacy groups under ‘severe limitations on their ability to shift state policies grounded in a culture of exclusionary ethnonationalism’ (Einhorn 2000: 109–10). Within specific contexts

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Jon Birger Skjærseth
and
Tora Skodvin

environmental regulations is a central element for ExxonMobil. It is a stated policy for the corporation to work with government and industry groups to 2543Chap3 16/7/03 46 9:58 am Page 46 Climate change and the oil industry develop environmental laws and regulations that are ‘based on sound science’. Thus, ExxonMobil also places a strong emphasis on its own research competence, operating with a stated policy to ‘conduct and support research to improve understanding of the impact of its business on the environment, to improve methods of environmental protection, and to

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
A conceptualisation of violence against women’s health (VAWH)
Sara De Vido

’s health constitutes a violation of women’s right to health and right to reproductive health. From the analysis in chapter 1, the notion of VAWH can encapsulate both a vertical and a horizontal dimension of violence, namely the interpersonal dimension between individuals and an institutional one, which is characterised by laws and policies in the field of health. VAW always violates a woman’s rights to health and to reproductive health. At the same time, state policies and laws in the field of health, such as the criminalisation of abortion (as showed in chapter 1

in Violence against women’s health in international law