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other. Whether or not the premises for such a hypothesis are accurate, the French case at first glance shows few signs of conforming to such a model. In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic’s history. The question this book aims to answer is: to what extent does this represent outright change and to what extent shifts within a stable structure? Looking at the supposed format of the system before the presidential elections of this year, the key elements were a plural

in The French party system

population which was more than three-fifths of the total. In addition, half of the Prussian votes were from the various provinces rather than from the central government of Prussia. 93 The Chancellor was appointed and dismissed by the popularly elected Reich President; however, the Chancellor and his ministers were also dependent on the support of a majority of the Reichstag. These provisions of the Weimar Constitution which are very similar to those of the French Fifth Republic today broke down by the end of the 1920s because of the inability of the polarized multi

in The Länder and German federalism
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The break-up of a party confederation

7 The UDF in the 1990s: the break-up of a party confederation Nicolas Sauger The right The UDF in the 1990s Introduction The principal dynamic of the French party system under the Fifth Republic has been that of the so-called ‘bipolar quadrille’. By the end of the 1970s, four parties of approximately equal strength were monopolising over 90 per cent of the vote in their respective left and right blocs (Parodi, 1989). Nevertheless, this end-state had taken twenty years to produce, concluding in 1978 with the formation of the UDF. The UDF managed to create an

in The French party system
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Culture, criticism, theory since 1990

lived on the island had both an Irish and an international dimension’.6 The conventional oppositions of east–west and north–south that have shaped modern Irish culture must also now be re-thought in global terms. The new routes of exchange are not just between Ireland and Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic, Ireland and America, but also between Ireland and an eastward-leaning Europe, and between Ireland and the developing world. As we shall see, it is the case that contemporary Ireland has more people – returning natives, tourists, migrant workers, asylum

in Irish literature since 1990
The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia

repatriation to Namibia, it was the Charité, a Berlin university hospital, that became the first institution in Germany to hand over the skulls to the German government for repatriation to Namibia. In his letter to the Namibian Embassy, dated 21 October 2008, Professor Karl Max Einhaupl, CEO of Charité, expressed the preparedness of the Charité to return the skulls to Namibia.19 The Federal Republic of Germany was expected to cover the cost of transporting the skulls. The official handover of the skulls was witnessed by a delegation of fifty-​four representatives (whose

in Human remains in society
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Slobodan Milosevic in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) to cease and desist from what the former considered to be unacceptable activities in Kosovo province. Further, the FRY was also compelled effectively to cede authority over Kosovo to an international protectorate. NATO thus sits at the nexus of a number of important debates. Perhaps the most controversial concern the nature of its intervention and the circumstances in

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

overutilised. The present water crisis can be attributed to a large extent to two Soviet-era polices: the establishment and demarcation of the five Soviet Socialist Republics (SSRs); and the rapid expansion of irrigation agriculture since the 1950s. Dams constructed upstream, in the Kyrgyz and Tajik SSRs in particular, stored water for irrigation and also hydroelectric production (HEP), which accounted for 35% of Central Asia’s energy by the early 1990s.12 These policies and processes created a regional economic complex, but also led to intra-regional problems and tensions

in Limiting institutions?

Zurich and London Agreements of February 1959 between Britain, Greece and Turkey created the independent ‘Republic of Cyprus’ in 1960. The 1960 constitution provided for strict power-sharing between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. The latter, constituting roughly one-fifth of the total population, was granted veto powers over all major legislation, and entitled to a share in governmental

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
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element among a population depends on many factors. These include emotional, personal, family or class interests, loyalties and traditions; the national historical experience; and cultural support for democratic principles of government. Combinations of these and other factors may lead to a movement in favour of democracy (as in Spain after the death of General Franco in 1975) or against democracy (as in the German Weimar Republic during the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
A critical assessment of work effort in Britain in comparison to Europe

populations. The 2014 survey was the seventh in the series and covers over 20 nations. A 120-item module on ‘Work, Family and Well-Being’ was included in the second (2004) and fifth (2010) in the series (Gallie, 2013). This included data on the intensity of work. Our second source of European data is the EWCS. The quality of work has been a focal point of this survey since its inception in 1991. Furthermore, its Working longer and harder? Britain in European comparison 193 content has been expanded considerably since then – from 20 questions in 1991 to well over 100 in

in Making work more equal