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based on elitism but with greater equality of educational provision and more opportunities for children than had ever existed. J. M. Keynes (another New Liberal) produced an employment white paper (1944) which committed governments to maintaining full employment using state economic intervention. Finally, the Labour Government introduced the National Health Service Act (1946) to establish a greater equality of health provision

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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state intervention as advocated by Keynes (and practised by all Western governments since the 1940s) was ultimately futile in reducing unemployment; it produced inflation, undermined competitiveness and ultimately corrupted the economic order. Murray argued that a large welfare state actually exacerbated social problems by creating a socially irresponsible and dependent underclass. Some philosophers, such as Michael

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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An introduction

one hand, such theoretical interventions have derived support from critiques of a subject-centered reason and a meaning-legislating rationality, critiques that have thought through the dualisms of Western thought and post-Enlightenment traditions. On the other, critical discussions of cultures and pasts have equally challenged the analytical antinomies of modern disciplines, interrogating

in Subjects of modernity
The evolving European security architecture

will it be in the foreseeable future, the central pillar of the European institutional structure. Perhaps its most important contribution in the new European security environment is the political legitimacy it can bestow on instruments or policies of its own, or of institutions like NATO.21 By virtue of its membership and decisionmaking procedures, it can legitimise intervention aimed at ordering the European region. It has also been important in establishing a comprehensive approach to security, which includes human rights, economic and military dimensions at the

in Theory and reform in the European Union

intervention. This is not the important matter here. What is interesting, from a philosophical point of view, is the thrust of Rousseau’s response. As a true philosopher of freedom – albeit of a non-liberal sort – Rousseau praised the English system under which ‘no citizen is imprisoned in contravention of the law, his home is sacred’ (III: 875). Again this doctrine would have been unoriginal had it not been for Rousseau’s (in the true meaning of the word) ‘populism’. In advocating the referendum as an alternative constitutional safeguard he sided with the people – not with

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau

subsequent developments. Okakura Tenshin’s Pan-​Asian perspective was solidarity-​oriented and affirmed nascent nationalisms in Asia that were emerging in reaction to the double standard of the international standard of civilisation. There was another Asia-​oriented intervention in the form of toyoshi (Oriental) studies that pictured Japan in the lead. Romanticising a ‘lost’ ecumenical Asian past, Okakura sees in Japan’s modernity an overall negotiation with the West’s civilisation on Japan’s terms (2006 [1904]). In contrast, other great powers in Asia have either

in Debating civilisations
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Universalism and the Jewish question

individuals responded to belated top-down attempts to put a check on mass murders – through humanitarian military interventions, the formulation of a Responsibility to Protect, the extension of the concepts of genocide and crimes against humanity in international criminal law, the institution of international criminal courts, etc. – left us wondering how the idea of progress could be defended or resurrected from the bottom up. As we moved into the new

in Antisemitism and the left
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An epilogue

alternative sexuality) interventions, signifying often rather different spatial and temporal assumption and imagination. In front of these developments, salient tendencies have redefined issues of art and literature, aesthetics and politics, and time and space in modernisms in South Asia. Here are two examples. The first concerns the narrative moment (and “movement”) from the 1970s onwards, which has posed

in Subjects of modernity

issues? This position has been defended by Arash Abizadeh especially, though the claim about the coercive nature of immigration law has been widely accepted (Abizadeh 2008 ). 7 I have subjected it to critique elsewhere (Miller 2010; 2016 : ch. 4). In brief, I suggest (a) that not all coercive interventions give rise to democratic rights (see note 6 above); and (b) in the case of immigration policy, it is important to distinguish between the policy itself being

in Democratic inclusion
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Theorising Arctic hierarchies

involving the United States, the USA was not able to win its preferences on all fronts. For example, the involvement of NGOs in the AEPS, for whom the USA wanted a larger place at the table and with whom it had cooperated extensively on Antarctic-​related issues, did not come about: this despite the USA having made frequent interventions to include large environmental groups at the Arctic table in the days leading up to the June 1991 Rovaniemi meeting, to the reported ‘irritation’ of other delegates (English, 2013: 134). Turning to another great power, we see that

in Arctic governance