Search results

You are looking at 21 - 30 of 56 items for :

  • Populist radical right movements x
Clear All

even win a few seats, depending on the time and place, include the three radical right parties: the Republicans (Reps), the German People’s Union (DVU), and the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). Numerous other smaller parties – sometimes more than twenty – take part in state elections, but they rarely receive more than 1 or 2 percent of the vote, if that much, and almost never win any seats. On the other hand, certain “flash parties” that form around personalities or movements expressing sentiments of protest have been quite successful in Bremen and Hamburg

in The Länder and German federalism

historical review of the Labour Party’s roots in democratic movements of the nineteenth century suggested that ‘the Labour Party’s ability to play a leading role in broad progressive movements in the future will be strengthened if it becomes more restrained in its tendency to legitimise its policies primarily in relation to “socialism”, and if it develops more self-consciousness of, and more pride in, its relation to currents of radicalism’ (Biagini and Reid 1991: 19). But it has reappeared with increasing frequency of late. Gareth Stedman Jones has suggested that

in In search of social democracy

well as among fascist parties and movements in countries where fascism has not been the ideology of the government, and the necessary differences in details of policy to be found among parties and movements which emphasise – different – nationalisms mean that it is difficult to form a generally accepted definition of fascism. It is unhelpful to apply the term indiscriminately to all radical right-wing or nationalist

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Open Access (free)
Emotion, affect and the meaning of activism

emotions in ­movements – shared and reciprocal (Goodwin, Jasper and Polletta, 2001: 20) – as well as between emotions as the social expression of feelings and affect as non-conscious movement between one experiential state of the body to another. In studies of anti-globalisation protests, this has led to nuanced discussion of how activists perform their networks through diverse bodily movements, techniques and styles, generating distinct identities and emotional tones (Juris, 2008: 89). In contrast, in studies of extreme and populist radical right movements, an

in Loud and proud

special social composition – rural and plebeian – imparted a radical nationalist, populist thrust to the state, the residues of which continue to make a difference for Syria’s foreign policy orientation. The radicalisation of the Syrian army was partly a function of its predominately lower-middle-class and ex-peasant social composition. Recruitment under the French from the Alawi and Druze peasant minorities into the local military forces established a tradition of military service as a route out of poverty for them which continued after

in The international politics of the Middle East

from the French Estates General (1789), chaired by King Louis XVI. Delegates were divided into aristocratic members, who sat at the right hand of the king, and the revolutionary and populist members, who sat to the left. Estates General The body which in pre-Revolutionary France represented the three ‘Estates’ or legal and social classifications. The First Estate was

in Understanding political ideas and movements
From disaster to devolution and beyond

in advance of the devolved election in 1999 – unless it was to be completely leaderless in the year before the election and throughout the campaign. Therefore, the Conservatives had to amend the Strathclyde proposals to conduct an ad hoc Scottish leadership contest in September 1998. This contest involved David McLetchie and Phil Gallie. McLetchie was President of the party in Scotland from 1994–97, but never held public office. Gallie was the former MP for Ayr from 1992–97 and a combative right-wing populist who stood in the leadership election to ensure a proper

in The Conservatives in Crisis

agency. The early New Left and Labour The term ‘New Left’ is generally used to describe the diffuse and widespread radicalism which developed during the late 1950s and which culminated in the worldwide wave of revolt best exemplified by the May 1968 events in France. As students of the New Left have established, what the multiplicity of movements, initiatives and writers who made up the New Left shared was a profound disillusionment with existing forms of political activity, thought and organisation, whether of Left or Right, and a corresponding desire to occupy a ‘new

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Reordering privilege and prejudice

  a core issue for populist radical  right  parties and movements in other countries  too  (for  example  CasaPound in  Italy) (Bartlett, Birdwell and Littler, 2011: 96). In this study, among respondents there also circulated an urban myth that ethnic or religious minority groups are privileged within the benefit system. Thus, Brett claims – based on comparing the £100 per fortnight he receives with the £160 he says a young Muslim woman (also single and without children) who lives on his mum’s estate gets – that ‘They get paid more than I do on the dole … because of

in Loud and proud

, was once young; he, too, wanted what we wanted; he, too, refused to believe his parents, but life has taught him that they were right. Saying this, he smiles in a superior fashion: this will also happen to us – in advance he devalues the years we will live, making them into a time of sweet youthful pranks, of childish rapture, before the long sobriety of serious life. Thus the well-meaning, the enlightened.4 The present living of the youth – Erlebnis – is effectively evacuated of content. Youthful Erlebnis is denied substantive reality by this rhetorical manoeuvre

in The new aestheticism