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Christine E. Hallett

Sassoon, Edmund Blunden, Henri Barbusse, and Erich Maria Remarque, who exposed the contrast between the romance trope and the ugly realities of modern, industrial warfare. Volunteer nurses were mostly drawn from the middle or upper classes of their societies; they, too, were likely to write in ways that drew upon the ‘high culture’ of their time. Young, female nurses were exposed to many of the same romantic ideals that held such power over their brothers. But, for them, the romance trope was a complex one. Women in traditional, western romance had been portrayed as

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Open Access (free)
Christine E. Hallett

Richard Attenborough.7 It became clear that the writings of those who emerged from the trenches of France and Flanders had changed the culture and expectations of western societies irrevocably, such that, in 1967, Stanley Cooperman could write that ‘we are all creatures of the First World War’.8 In the 1970s a new genre emerged – a focus on the cultural history of the war. Paul Fussell’s The Great War and Modern Memory – a remarkable exploration of the cultural significance of First World War literature – still stands as a guidepost for those approaching the subject.9

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Christine E. Hallett

Red Cross worker Rose Wilder Lane on a train from Paris to Warsaw in 1920, and the two became close friends. Both craved adventure and longed for a more independent way of life. By the mid-1920s they had formed a plan to travel overland in a Model T Ford from Paris to Albania, to establish a home in a land free from the constraints of western power-politics and bureaucracy.52 Boylston had already spent time in Albania working for the Red Cross and had convinced Lane that Albanian culture was pure and unsullied – free from both the corrupt political and imperialist

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40
Linda Bryder

Western medicine and the State, as suggested by some commentators informed by social control and victimisation models of history writing.4 Rather, I will show how Native Health nurses were often thrown into emergency situations during outbreaks of infectious disease, totally reliant on the help and co-operation of the local people who far outnumbered them, and how they were required to negotiate and be flexible in their nursing practices. Past historians have addressed the origins of the scheme and some of the obstacles faced, but have not examined in depth the nurses

in Colonial caring
Liesbeth Hesselink

Natives.3 145 Liesbeth Hesselink Two services provided healthcare in the archipelago, the Military Health Service and the Civil Health Service, but were in actual fact one organisation. Throughout the nineteenth century, Western medicine in the Dutch Indies was virtually synonymous with military medicine.4 Civilians were also treated in the military hospitals. The hospitals were classified into large hospitals, garrison hospitals and infirmaries. Nursing was carried out by untrained orderlies. In addition, there were municipal clinics in the three large towns on Java

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
George Campbell Gosling

have been standard procedure, it does suggest the provision of private hospital services was firmly embedded in the city's municipal health culture. We might assume, given the fact that Southmead had been taken over in 1930 by the Corporation, that the introduction of this system was part of the new municipal arrangement. However, a conference organised shortly before by the Medical Officer of Health, which brought together representatives

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
Open Access (free)
Christine E. Hallett

the most honourable memorial to the suffering of their fellow countrymen. In writing of their nursing work during the First World War, nurses were also composing portraits of themselves. Whilst some seem to have wanted to remain shadowy figures in the background, foregrounding the courage and resilience of their patients, others chose to depict themselves as actors on a world stage.3 When they wrote, British women such as the Baroness de T’Serclaes, Sarah Macnaughtan, and Millicent Sutherland were drawing upon narrative tropes current in their own culture. The

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
So what went wrong?
Odette Best

Aboriginal people, hospitals with a professional staff of nurses and doctors made no sense. In addition, the Western approach of treating illness did not fit with the understanding of holistic healthcare. Before her nurses were sent to Australia, Florence Nightingale conducted research about the health of Aboriginal Australians. Her interest in Indigenous health was established during a meeting with Sir George Grey, ‘who had discussed with her the apparent deterioration and gradual disappearance of native races after contact with white civilisation’.13 Nightingale applied

in Colonial caring
Christine E. Hallett

War Office file, WO 399/5023. 18 Anon., Diary of a Nursing Sister on the Western Front 1914–1915 (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1915). 19 Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 [1975]): 9. 20 Claire Tylee, The Great War and Women’s Consciousness:  Images of Militarism and Womanhood in Women’s Writings, 1914–64 (Houndmills and London: Macmillan, 1990): 19–46. 21 Michael Paris, Warrior Nation:  Images of War in British Popular Culture, 1850–2000 (London: Reaktion Books, 2000), passim. On wartime

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Disease, conflict and nursing in the British Empire, 1880–1914
Angharad Fletcher

association’s journal in 1903. On 27 September 1914, shortly after the outbreak of the First World War, Gould joined the Australian Imperial force (AIF) as matron of the No. 2 Australian General Hospital (AGH). She and six other nurses arrived in Alexandria on 4 December, remaining there long enough to nurse casualties from the Battle of Gallipoli (from April 1915 to January 1916). She finally returned to Australia in 1919, after a stint on the Western Front and the award of a Royal Red Cross (1st Class) and was discharged from the AIF at the age of fifty-seven, at which

in Colonial caring