Sassoon, Edmund Blunden, Henri Barbusse, and Erich Maria
Remarque, who exposed the contrast between the romance trope and
the ugly realities of modern, industrial warfare.
Volunteer nurses were mostly drawn from the middle or upper
classes of their societies; they, too, were likely to write in ways that
drew upon the ‘high culture’ of their time. Young, female nurses were
exposed to many of the same romantic ideals that held such power
over their brothers. But, for them, the romance trope was a complex
one. Women in traditional, western romance had been portrayed as
Richard Attenborough.7 It
became clear that the writings of those who emerged from the trenches
of France and Flanders had changed the culture and expectations of
western societies irrevocably, such that, in 1967, Stanley Cooperman
could write that ‘we are all creatures of the First World War’.8
In the 1970s a new genre emerged – a focus on the cultural history of the war. Paul Fussell’s The Great War and Modern Memory – a
remarkable exploration of the cultural significance of First World War
literature – still stands as a guidepost for those approaching the subject.9
Red Cross worker Rose Wilder Lane on a train
from Paris to Warsaw in 1920, and the two became close friends. Both
craved adventure and longed for a more independent way of life. By
the mid-1920s they had formed a plan to travel overland in a Model
T Ford from Paris to Albania, to establish a home in a land free from
the constraints of western power-politics and bureaucracy.52 Boylston
had already spent time in Albania working for the Red Cross and
had convinced Lane that Albanian culture was pure and unsullied –
free from both the corrupt political and imperialist
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40
Western medicine and the State, as suggested by some
commentators informed by social control and victimisation models
of history writing.4 Rather, I will show how Native Health nurses were
often thrown into emergency situations during outbreaks of infectious
disease, totally reliant on the help and co-operation of the local people who far outnumbered them, and how they were required to negotiate and be flexible in their nursing practices. Past historians have
addressed the origins of the scheme and some of the obstacles faced,
but have not examined in depth the nurses
Two services provided healthcare in the archipelago, the Military
Health Service and the Civil Health Service, but were in actual fact
one organisation. Throughout the nineteenth century, Western
medicine in the Dutch Indies was virtually synonymous with military medicine.4 Civilians were also treated in the military hospitals.
The hospitals were classified into large hospitals, garrison hospitals
and infirmaries. Nursing was carried out by untrained orderlies.
In addition, there were municipal clinics in the three large towns
have been standard
procedure, it does suggest the provision of private hospital services was
firmly embedded in the city's municipal health culture.
We might assume, given the fact that Southmead had been taken
over in 1930 by the Corporation, that the introduction of this system was part
of the new municipal arrangement. However, a conference organised shortly
before by the Medical Officer of Health, which brought together representatives
honourable memorial to the suffering of their fellow countrymen.
In writing of their nursing work during the First World War, nurses
were also composing portraits of themselves. Whilst some seem to
have wanted to remain shadowy figures in the background, foregrounding the courage and resilience of their patients, others chose to
depict themselves as actors on a world stage.3 When they wrote, British
women such as the Baroness de T’Serclaes, Sarah Macnaughtan, and
Millicent Sutherland were drawing upon narrative tropes current in
their own culture. The
Aboriginal people, hospitals with a professional staff of nurses and
doctors made no sense. In addition, the Western approach of treating
illness did not fit with the understanding of holistic healthcare.
Before her nurses were sent to Australia, Florence Nightingale conducted research about the health of Aboriginal Australians. Her interest in Indigenous health was established during a meeting with Sir
George Grey, ‘who had discussed with her the apparent deterioration
and gradual disappearance of native races after contact with white
civilisation’.13 Nightingale applied
War Office file, WO 399/5023.
18 Anon., Diary of a Nursing Sister on the Western Front 1914–1915 (Edinburgh
and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1915).
19 Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2000 ): 9.
20 Claire Tylee, The Great War and Women’s Consciousness: Images of
Militarism and Womanhood in Women’s Writings, 1914–64 (Houndmills and
London: Macmillan, 1990): 19–46.
21 Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of War in British Popular Culture,
1850–2000 (London: Reaktion Books, 2000), passim. On wartime
Disease, conflict and nursing in the British Empire, 1880–1914
journal in 1903. On 27 September 1914, shortly after the outbreak
of the First World War, Gould joined the Australian Imperial force
(AIF) as matron of the No. 2 Australian General Hospital (AGH). She
and six other nurses arrived in Alexandria on 4 December, remaining there long enough to nurse casualties from the Battle of Gallipoli
(from April 1915 to January 1916). She finally returned to Australia
in 1919, after a stint on the Western Front and the award of a Royal
Red Cross (1st Class) and was discharged from the AIF at the age of
fifty-seven, at which